USA > Arizona > History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, Volume XVII > Part 10
USA > New Mexico > History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, Volume XVII > Part 10
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Besides Xabe, there was another Quivira Indian named Sopete or Isopete, accompanying the army, who had declared the Turk a liar, without gaining much credit, as the Querechos had partially confirmed the latter's testimony; but what the Teyas said fa- vored Sopete's version, and indicated that the Turk, perhaps from a desire to reach his own country, had led the Spaniards much too far east, Quivira being in the north. Finally, in a valley which formed the extreme eastern limit of the exploration, it was decided at a council of war held about the middle of June that the general should go with thirty-six picked men
14 Castañeda's statements from time to time seem to foot up 23 days from Cicuye, exclusive of the 4 d. detention in bridge-building and others, 16 d. at least being N. N. E .; then in summarizing he says they had marched 37 d. at the rate of 6 or 7 1. per day, or a total of 250 1. from Tiguex. The Rel. del Sures), on the contrary, gives the march as 150 1. E. and then 50 1. s. Jara- millo agrees with Castañeda that the route was N. N. E. for about 10 d. from the crossing of the Cicuye to the country of the Querechos; but he says that for 20 d. or more from that point they turned east, or at least more toward the east. Coronado in his letter says the march was 9 d. to the great plains (from Tiguex), then 17 d. to the Querechos, and 5 d. to the Teyas without any definite indication of the direction.
61
QUIVIRA FOUND.
in search of Quivira, while the main army under Arellano should return to Tiguex. The chief reason for this decision was the lack of other food than buf- falo meat; but Coronado states also that the guides had already confessed that they had deceived him respecting the buildings of Quivira, which were really of straw.15 Arellano's force, after remaining fifteen days to hunt buffalo, returned in twenty-five days by a shorter and more southern route-in itself a proof that they had gone far to the east rather than the north-to Tiguex. On the way they passed many salt- marshes, noticed multitudes of prairie-dogs, reached the Rio Cicuye, or Pecos, thirty leagues below the former crossing, following it up to the pueblo, and learning that that river flowed into the Tiguex, or Rio Grande, some twenty days' journey below. The arrival at Tiguex was before the end of July.16
After leaving the main army Coronado went north- ward for about forty days over the plains till he reached Quivira late in July, remained there twenty- five days, and arrived at Tiguex on his return in August or September.17 Quivira proved to be one of several Indian villages of straw huts, or wigwams, on or near a large river. The inhabitants resembled the roving Querechos and Teyas in most respects, but were somewhat superior, raising a small quantity of maize. The country was an excellent one in respect
15 Pacheco, Doc., iii. 365.
16 On this return an Ind. woman, slave of Zaldívar, escaped, and afterward within 9 days she fell into the hands of Spaniards in Florida, who, however, claimed to have been at the time over 200 1. in the interior. So Castañeda, 135, heard from these Span. in Mexico.
17 Coronado, in his letter of Oct. 20th, says he travelled 42 d., making 67 in all from Tiguex (apparently 73 by computation), or over 300 1., to Quivira 950 1. from Mex., and in 40°. Castañeda, who was not with the general, says the journey out was 48 days, and the return 40 d .; and that all was over the plains, though at Quivira some mts began to be in sight. The author of the Rel. del Suceso, who accompanied the party, says they travelled 30 d. N. to the Rio de Quivira, and 30 1. more to the settlements, 330 1. out (from Tiguex), and 200 back; also putting Q. in 40°. Jaramillo, also with Coronado, says about 30 d. N. (short days and irregular acc. to the water); named the Rio de S. Pedro y S. Pablo for the day of arrival (June 29th); then to R. Quivira (possibly the same, as the text is not clear), and down that river N. E., 7 or 8 d. to Q., where they were after the middle of Aug. (?). A cross was set up bearing the general's name at Q.
62
CORONADO IN NEW MEXICO.
of soil, climate, and natural productions; but the peo- ple had no knowledge of the precious metals; and even in their reports of large tribes beyond, there was but slight indication of either wealth or civilization. Moreover, El Turco now confessed that all his tales had been lies; but he claimed to have told them at the instigation of the people of Cicuye that the Span- iards might be led far out into the plains, to perish or to be so reduced in strength that on their return they might be easily vanquished. Having put the Turk to death, the general returned by a more direct route to Cicuye, where Arellano came to meet him, and thence to Tiguex.
Coronado and his associates believed Quivira to be in latitude 40°, and about 200 leagues north-east of Tiguex. There is nothing in the Spaniards' descrip- tions of the region, or of the journey, to shake con- fidence in Simpson's conclusion that it was in the modern Kansas, between the Arkansas and Missouri rivers; yet on the other hand, it is quite possible that, as Bandelier is inclined to think, Coronado travelled more in a circle, and did not go so far to the north; and elsewhere in recording Texan annals of the next century, I have said that "it is to the east and south- east of Santa Fé, to the Indian Territory and Texas of modern maps, that we must look for the scene of Spanish explorations in this century, and that there is no need of placing Quivira in the far north-east or beyond the Missouri, as many writers are fond of doing." 18 It is not, however, of much importance in connection with the history of New Mexico to fix definitely the location of this wigwam province, even if it were possible. Several writers, misled by the name-including rather strangely Davis, who was
18 Hist. North Mex. St., i. 391, and preceding pages. In the earliest edi- tions of the Native Races, iv. 672, I carelessly said, 'Quivira, if not one of the Pueblo towns of the Rio Grande, was at least not more distant than the region of the S. Juan or its tributaries, having then in mind the popular idea of Q. as a great town, and not the statements of the original records. In later issues the statement has been changed.
63
EXPLORATIONS ON THE RIO GRANDE.
well acquainted with the geography of the country ---- have fallen into the blunder of identifying Quivira with the ruins of Gran Quivira of mixed Spanish and native origin at a much later date, and situated only two or three days' journey south of east from Tiguex. 19
Meanwhile Captain Arellano made preparations for passing a second winter at Tiguex, meeting with many difficulties on account of the continued hostility of the people, who still refused to occupy their towns. Are- llano also caused some further explorations to be made. Captain Barrio-nuevo was sent up the valley north- ward. First he visited the province of Hemes, or Jemes, with seven towns, one of which in the same region still retains the name.20 The inhabitants of this province submitted, and furnished supplies; but not so those of another province of Yuque-Yunque, who abandoned their two fine towns on the river and fled to the mountains, where they had four others strongly fortified in places difficult of access;21 yet a store of food was left in the deserted villages, with fine earthen-ware, and glazing that indicated the prob- able existence of silver mines. Twenty leagues farther up the river this party came to a large town built on both banks of the stream, with wooden bridges con- necting the two parts, and with the largest estufas yet seen. Its name was Braba; the Spaniards called it
19 Prince, 138-40, does not follow Davis in this instance, believing that the army reached the canons of the Canadian branches, and that Coronado reached Kansas.
2J Castañeda, 138, says that B. went up the river northward and visitel Hemes; but on p. 168 he says that Hemes was 7 1. N. E. of Tiguex (or per- haps from Quirix). This is the chief support of those who put Tignex on the Puerco, but I have no doubt it is an error for N. w. According to Bandelier, 23, 109-10, the Pecos language was spoken at Jemes, and the original pueblo was at the S. Diego ruins, 13 miles N. of the present site. This author also includes in this Jemes group the prov. of Aguas Calientes, with 3 pueblos mentioned but not located by Castañeda, 182. I know of no special reason for or against this latter identification, except that Ojos Calientes, or Aguas Cal., is applied on some modern maps to ruins N. of Jemes.
21 Yuque- Yunque is identified by Bandelier, 18, 23 4, with the Tehua group N. of Sta Fé, including S. Ildefonso, S. Juan, Sta Clara, Pujuaque, Nambé, and Tesuque. In strong confirmation of this, I note that S. Juan, or S. Gabriel, the capital of N. Mex. in the early years of the 17th century, is called in Escalante, Carta, 116, S. Gabriel del Yunque. The later Cuyamunque may also have some connection with this name.
64
CORONADO IN NEW MEXICO.
Valladolid; and its identity with Taos can hardly be questioned.22 Leaving the northern country in peace, Barrio-nuevo returned down the valley to Tiguex. Another officer was despatched down the river to cx- plore its lower branches, as mentioned by the people of Tutahaco. He advanced eighty leagues southward, to a place where the river disappeared underground, to appear again below, as the natives said, larger than ever.23 Somewhere on the way, but not necessarily at the southern limit of the exploration, they found four large villages, whose people offered no resistance. These were the southernmost pueblos, and may be iden- tified with those of the Piros in the Socorro region, abandoned during the wars of the next century.24 This concludes the list of the New Mexican pueblos visited by Coronado or his officers, most of which, as we have seen, can be identified, in groups at least, with reasonable accuracy. It is noticeable, however, that the group between Zuñi and Tiguex, represented by Laguna, Cebolleta, Moquino, and Pujuaque, is not mentioned,25 and as a matter of fact, these pueblos did not exist till much later.
After these explorations had been accomplished,
22 Braba is written also Yuraba. Castañeda, 139, says that Alvarado had visited this town on his Ist trip to Cicuye, which hardly seems probable. On p. 182 he says Braba was the last province toward the N. E., up the valley, and had but one town. In the Rel. del Suceso, Yuraba is mentioned as the northern limit of exploration, the largest pueblo in the country, with some 15,000 inhab., and differing somewhat from the others in its construction. The distance of 20 1. from the Tehua towns is sufficiently accurate. Castañeda, 168, mentions a province of Acha, 40 1. N. E. of Tiguex; but in his summary, 182, this prov. is not named. This leaves us to suppose either that Acha and Braba were the same, or to follow Bandelier, 23, in identifying Acha with Picuries. B. also notes, 109-10, 120, that from Taos in the N. to Isleta in the south, including Picuries, S. Cristóbal, Sandía, and Galisteo, the same lan- guage was spoken, that of the Tanos.
" The distance would carry the party nearly down to lat. 33°, and below the limit of the pueblo-town region. Of course this distance would be absurd if applied to the Puerco. The sinking of the river has not been very satis- factorily explained, except as nearly all streams in this region are swallowed up in the sand at certain dry seasons. See Simpson's Coronado's March, 323, with quot. from Gallatin and Humboldt on this subject.
2+ Bandelier, 24, who notes that Senecú, farther s., was a Piros pueblo founded under Span, auspices in 1630.
25 In his summary, Castañeda, 179-82, mentions 6 pueblos in the snowy mountains; but the reference would seem to be to the Cicuye, or Pecos, re- gion.
65
A SECOND WINTER.
Captain Arellano set out with forty horsemen to meet the general on his return from Quivira, having a fight with the natives of Cicuye, where Coronado soon joined him. The report from Quivira was a bitter disappointment. For some unexplained reason, the guide Xabe had remained with the army, and he maintained to the last the truth of what had been said of gold and silver in his country, rejoicing at the approach of Coronado to confirm his statements, and correspondingly disappointed at the actual result. His words and manner had great influence on the army, which had unwillingly parted from the general in the east. Many of the officers and soldiers did not believe that he had made so long a march, or so thorough a search as he pretended; even the com- mander and his companions evidently still retained some hope of eventual success in the north-east; and these circumstances partially account for the grand rôle subsequently played by Quivira in the imagina- tion of explorers, writers, and map-makers. The plan was to undertake a new expedition out into the plains in the spring of 1542, as the rainy season had already begun. Just as the army was going into winter quar- ters at Tiguex, Captain Tobar returned from Sonora with half the force that had been stationed at San Gerónimo. By this party Captain Cárdenas, who had broken an arm, received news that called him to Spain, and soon started with a few others, carrying Coronado's letter of October 20th to the king.
The winter was for the most part an uneventful one; but there was considerable suffering, especially for want of clothing, as the natives were still hostile and refused to reoccupy their towns or to furnish supplies. Therefore the soldiers became discontented, and there was much disagreement between the general, officers, and gentlemen about the distribution of such food and clothing as remained. At the approach of spring, when preparations for a new expedition had been far advanced, Coronado, while engaged in a tournament
HIST. ARIZ. AND N. MEX. 5
66
CORONADO IN NEW MEXICO.
on a day of festival, was thrown by the breaking of a girth, and received from Maldonado's horse a kick on the head. He was seriously injured and long confined to his bed. After partial recovery he had a dangerous relapse, caused by the return of Cárdenas with news that the Sonora colonists had been massacred by Indians. Superstition also had its influence on his weakened mind; for a necromancer in Spain had long ago predicted for him a brilliant career in a distant land, to be terminated by a fall that would cause his death. The prevailing discontent among officers and men tended greatly to increase the leader's despon- dency and his desire to return that he might die near his wife and children. 26 The soldiers at last presented, or were induced to present, a petition for return; it was decided in a council of officers to grant the peti- tion, abandoning further attemps at conquest; and the corresponding orders were issued; some of the gentlemen officers opposed this resolution, and others soon repented of their vote; but apparently a majority, including the general, though willing to shirk respon- sibility, were not really desirous of remaining; and notwithstanding the alleged protests of many, and their demands to be allowed to continue the enterprise with a part of the army, Coronado refused to modify his plans, and even remained in his tent, pretending to be in worse health than he really was, in order to escape the importunities of his associates.
Fray Juan de Padilla and Padre Luis, a lay brother, resolved to remain in the country and make an attempt to convert the natives of Cicuye and Quivira. An escort was furnished as far as Cicuye, where Padre Luis remained; while Fray Juan, accompanied by a Portuguese named Campo, a negro, a mestizo, and a few Mexican Indians, pressed on to Quivira. Subse- quently some sheep were sent to Brother Luis, and the messengers reported him as saying that he had
26 He had shortly before married a daughter of the treasurer, Alonso de Estrada. Mendoza's letter of '37 in Florida, Col. Doc., i. 128-9; Bernal Diaz, Hist. Conq. Mex., 235.
67
FATE OF THE FRIARS.
been well received by the masses, though the old men hated him, and would probably bring about his death. After the departure of the army nothing was ever known respecting the fate of this pioneer missionary of Pecos. But the Portuguese, with some of his companions, is said to have found his way later by the gulf coast to Mexico, bringing the report that Padilla had received the crown of martyrdom at the hands of the Quivirans, who killed him because he insisted on going to attempt the conversion of a hostile tribe. This is substantially the version of Castañeda; but there are several others; and respecting the number, names, and nationality of the padres and their attend- ants, the place and manner of their death, or the cir- cumstances of their escape, hardly two writers agree. This shows that little was really known on the sub- ject.27
27 Jaramillo, 316-17, says that he left with P. Luis de Escalona a slave boy named Cristóbal; also that several Indians, one of them a Tarascan named Andrés, and two negroes, one named Sebastian belonging to J. and another the slave of Melchor Perez, remained behind; also that P. Padilla took to Quivira a Portuguese, a negro who was a kind of subordinate friar, a mestizo, and 2 Ind, of Zapotlan, all dressed as friars, taking also sheep, mules, and a horse. After Padilla was killed, the Portuguese and Sebastian the Indian (?) escaped to Pánuco. J. suggests that Sebastian might give useful information about the route to Q. from the east. Torquemada, Monarq. Ind., iii. 610-12, tells us that Padilla was an Andalusian who had been guardian at Tulancingo and Zapotlan. He was one of 5 friars who went with Coronado, another being Fr. Juan de la Cruz, and the two remaining in the far north with Andrés del Campo, the Portuguese, and 2 Ind. of Michoacan. P. went with the 3 at- tendants in quest of new tribes to convert. Seeing that he was to be killed1 he sent the Portuguese away; and the two Ind., Lucas and Sebastian, managed by the aid of miracles to escape, though the latter soon died. Fr. Juan de la Cruz remained at Tiguex, and nothing was ever known of his fate. Same version in Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 742-5, and Vetancurt, Menologio, 121-2. Gomara, Hist. Ind., 274, calls Padilla's companion Fr. Francisco (or prob. Franciscan), and there were 12 Michoacan Ind. Both friars were killed. Beaumont, Cron. de Mich., iv. 378-86, represents Fr. Marcos de Niza and Fr. Daniel as having returned with the army, leaving in the N. Fr. Juan de Pa- dilla, Fr. Luis de Escalona, and the lay brothers Fr. Luis de Ubeda and Fr. Juan de la Cruz, with the two Michoacan donados, Lucas and Sebastian, be- sides some other Ind. and the Portuguese and negro (who later became a friar in Mich.). It is stated that Padilla and Cruz were killed, and implied that the others were also; but the Portuguese and 2 Mich. donados crossed the Missouri and reached Pánuco, and later Mich. Herrera, dec. vi. lib. ix. cap. 12, seems to follow Jaramillo. Mota Padilla, Hist. Conq. N. Gal., 167-9, gives about the same version as Beaumont, but does not name Escalona; and he adds that Fr. Juan de la Cruz and Fr. Luis de Ubeda remained at Coquite (Cicuye ?), while Padilla went to Quivira and was killed. Cruz was shot soon, but Ubeda lived in a hut and did good deeds, and nothing was known of his death. 'The first martyrs of the church in the U. S.' De Courcey's Cath. Ch., 14.
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CORONADO IN NEW MEXICO.
The return march of Coronado's army was begun in April 1542. All natives of Tiguex and other provinces of the north who had been enslaved were now released, for fear that if they were carried to Mexico their fate would be avenged on the friars who remained; but a number of Mexican Indians, besides those who went with the missionaries to Cieuye and Quivira, remained at Cíbola, where they were found, as we shall see, many years later. Between Tiguex and Cíbola over thirty horses died, though apparently in good eondi- tion. It should be noted that from horses left in the country during this expedition may have originated the immense droves that in later times ranged the plains northward, though I have found no positive evidence of so early an origin; also that sheep were introduced by Coronado. The march from Cíbola south-eastward was uneventful. At Chichiltieale, on the Gila, they met Captain Gallegos with reënforce- ments and supplies. The members of this party were greatly disappointed at meeting a retreating army, instead of joining the conquerors in the enjoyment of
Quiviran spoils. The gentlemen officers thus reën- forced renewed their efforts for a renewal of the con- quest, or at least for a halt until the viceroy could be consulted; but the soldiers would listen to nothing of the kind. Gallegos' men and others were insubordi- nate, but Coronado had lost all control, his authority both as general and governor being disregarded. Most of the foree disbanded at Culiacan in June; and Coro- nado finally reached Mexico with barely 100 men. Though at first eoldly received by Mendoza, he gave explanations which were satisfactory, was honorably relieved of his command, and as soon as his health was restored resumed his duties as governor of Nueva Galicia.
Thus ended the grandest exploring expedition of the period, in which the Spaniards learned in a sense all that was to be known of Arizona and New Mexico,
69
RESULTS OF THE EXPEDITION.
though they did not find the wonders they had sought, and though they neither remembered nor made any use of their discoveries. The great Mixton revolt prevented any immediate resumption of northern enterprises, which, however, would very likely not have been prosecuted in any event. Castañeda, writ- ing twenty years later, expresses the opinion that in order to find any of the great things believed to be connected in some way with the Indies, they should have directed their course to the north-west instead of the north-east; and he suggests that Quivira and the adjoining regions might be reached by a better route through the interior, or from the gulf coast, with aid of the guides who had escaped in that direction after the friar's death.
The narratives of Coronado's expedition we have found remarkably accurate in a general sense, and quite as satisfactory as any records except an original detailed diary with maps could be expected to be. The general route has been easily traced, and several principal points on the journey have been identified with reasonable accuracy. There is a notable absence of exaggeration and mystery; indeed, the country, its people and its towns, are represented as they actually existed. Yet it is no less remarkable, after making allowance for the stories scattered broadcast in Mex- ico and Spain by the returning soldiers of Coronado's army, how little effect this exploration had on geo- graphical knowledge. For two centuries, though the narratives were extant and occasionally repeated with approximate accuracy, and though now and then an official report showed a fair knowledge of the facts in certain circles, no map within my knowledge-ex- cept Padre Kino's and a few others on the regions of Pimería Alta up to the Gila-throws any light on the geography of Arizona and New Mexico, or makes any considerable approach to the general cartographic results that might have been reached by a fairly in- telligent use of the Coronado narratives alone.
70
CORONADO IN NEW MEXICO.
The historian Gomara before 1554 represented Coronado as having reached the coast, where he saw ships from Cathay with decorations in gold and silver; thus laying the foundation for endless confu- sion.28 28 Espejo, visiting New Mexico in 1582, as will be related in the next chapter, while he found traces of Coronado's visit, had no definite idea of that officer's explorations. Benavides, writing in 1630, though cus- todian of the Franciscans in New Mexico for years, giv- ing a good account of the country, and even describing Coronado's journey, seems not to have had the slight- est idea that New Mexico had been the region ex- plored.29 Mota Padilla about 1740 gravely tells us that if Coronado had gone farther north and some- what westwardly he would probably have discovered what is now New Mexico. 30 Many more accounts might be cited of similiar nature, with others much more and much less inaccurate; and I may add that most modern writers-that is, those who allude in a general way without special investigation to this ex- pedition-have evidently regarded it as mysterious in most of its geographic phases, and have had a vague idea that almost any place from California across to Florida may have been visited by Coronado, if indeed the exploration was not altogether mythical. I think it time that the mysterious elements of the subject should be eliminated.
And here I may suggest to the reader a perusal of the chapters devoted to the Northern Mystery, as already referred to.31 There will be found, besides the curious complication of inaccuracies, exaggera- tions, and falsehoods, current for two centuries or more and resting on the expeditions of Niza and Coronado as well as on others real and fictitious, a reproduction of many old maps, which, while includ-
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