USA > Arizona > History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, Volume XVII > Part 11
USA > New Mexico > History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, Volume XVII > Part 11
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28 Gomara, Hist. Ind., 274.
29 Benavides, Requeste Remonstrative, 108-17.
30 Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Galicia, 169.
$1 See Hist. Northwest Coast. i., chap. i .- iv., this series, especially maps on
p. 49, 54, 65, 68, 82-4, 104, 108, 110, 114, 128, 131.
71
EARLY MAPS.
ing in a sense the territory now under consideration, cannot be repeated conveniently here, except one of 1597, which explains itself. On the others will be seen on the South Sea coast, or on tributaries of the gulf of California, between latitudes 35° and 45° for the most part, scattered with but slight regard to any kind of order, the names, variously spelled, of Seven Cities, Quivira, Sierra Nevada, Cicuic, Axa, Tiguex, Cucho, Cíbola, Tuchano, Totonteac, Granada, Marata, Chichuco, Rio Tizon, Laguna de Oro, New Mexico,
>Z
Septem
Civitatuin®
m
Patria
40
Axa
R.Totonteac
ucho
S
Totonteac
B. Buina Guia B.Miraflores
Granata
Ceuola
Los Farallonel Tierra Prata
CALIFOR ONIS Z
B.Hermosa
B.San Laurentia
SCRU
P.S. Maria
El Abrigo
· Quicama
'R.de Pasaia T.R.Agustin
C.Baxo
R.Guaianal
"Perlatan- L .. Lisico
Calderon
n. S.Sebr
astian
Y.DE PAXAROS
de
Esco
Aqua
Cara
elde Balena
260
3270ª
WYTFLIET-PTOLEMY MAP OF 1597.
p.Posicion- P.S.Jacobo P.S.Pedro
Ometlan
Y.S.MATHEAS:
Y DE CEDRE
C.Engano
P.Lobos
30-
P.Escondido
R.Sta. Anna
bP.S. Clara/
Marata
Y. DE STEPHANO
vetmeio
CEDROS
CAZONES
Cedro
C. California
P. Buena
NEsperanza
NOVA
R. Aco
GRANA
Rio del Norte, Rio Bravo, Rio Buena Guia, Moqui, Ameies, Zuny, and finally after 1700 Santa Fé on a river flowing into the Mexican gulf. Of these, Qui- vira, Marata, New Mexico, and Granada transformed into New Granada are made prominent often as prov- inces, while the province or kingdom of Tolm is added. At last in 1752-68 the maps of De L'Isle and Jefferys, with all their absurdities in other parts, give a tolera- bly accurate idea of Arizona and New Mexico in their
72
CORONADO IN NEW MEXICO.
rivers and other general features, details being largely and wisely omitted.
While Coronado's was the last of the grand mili- tary expeditions for half a century, and while for much longer the far north was left almost exclu- sively to the theorists, yet toward the north there was a constant progress in the interior through the efforts of miners and missionaries in Nueva Galicia and Nueva Vizcaya, destined in time to cross the line of our territory. It was forty years before the line was again passed, unless there may have been one exception in the expeditions of Francisco de Ibarra in 1563-5. From a point not very definitely fixed in the sierra between Sinaloa and Durango, Ibarra marched for eight days to a point from which he saw a large town of several-storied buildings; and later, having gone to Sinaloa, he says he "went 300 leagues from Chametla, in which entrada he found large settlements of natives clothed and well provided with maize and other things for their support; and they also had many houses of several stories. But because it was so far from New Spain and the Span- ish settlements, and because the governor had not people enough for settlement, and the natives were hostile, using poisoned arrows, he was obliged to re- turn." " Beaumont, deriving his information from un- known sources," as I have written elsewhere,32 "adds that Ibarra was accompanied by fifty soldiers, by Pedro de Tobar"-of Coronado's expedition-" and by Padre Acebedo and other friars. His course was to the right of that followed by Coronado and nearer New Mexico. He reached some great plains adjoin- ing those of the vacas-the buffalo plains-and there found an abandoned pueblo whose houses were of sev- eral stories, which was called Paguemi, and where there were traces of metals having been smelted. A
32 See Hist. North Mex. St., i. 105-10; also Ibarra, Relacion, 482-3; Velasco, Relacion, 553-61; Beaumont, Cron. Mich., v. 538-41. Vargas, N'. Mex. Testim., 129 (about 1583), tells us that Ibarra 'revolvió sobre la parte del norte hasta que dió en los Valles de las Vacas.'
73
IBARRA'S EXPEDITIONS.
few days later, as this wiiter seems to say, Ibarra reached the great city of Pagme, a most beautiful city adorned with very sumptuous edifices, extending over three leagues, with houses of three stories, very grand, with various and extensive plazas, and the houses surrounded with walls that appear to be of masonry." This town was also abandoned, and the people were said to have gone eastward. It is diffi- cult to determine what reliance should be placed on Beaumont's narrative; and there appear to be no grounds for more than the vaguest conjecture as to what region was thus explored by Ibarra. He may have visited some of the abandoned pueblos of the Gila valley; or may, as Beaumont seems to think, have gone farther to the region of the Moqui towns; or perhaps he went more to the east and reached the Casas Grandes of Chihuahua.
There is nothing that can be added to throw new light on this subject, and I simply leave the record of what was possibly a new crossing of the Arizona line. It is perhaps worthy of notice, however, that in con- nection with Ibarra's entrada of 1563 the province of Copala is mentioned, a name that-though here applied apparently to Topia or an adjoining region in the sierra-figured later in the mythic northern geography; and especially that on his return Gov- ernor Ibarra boasted that he had discovered a 'new Mexico' as well as a new Vizcaya. It is not unlikely that from this circumstance the name New Mexico came to be applied in later years to a country that Don Francisco had probably never seen. Another noteworthy circumstance in this connection was the discovery in 1568 by a party of mining prospectors from Mazapil, in northern Zacatecas, of a lake which was formally named Laguna del Nuevo Mexico. This lake was apparently one of those in the modern Coa- huila, but the tendency to find a 'new Mexico' in the north is noticeable.33
33 Testimonio del descuh. y posesion de la Laguna del Nuevo Mexico, hecho por Fran. Cano, ten. de alcalde mayor de las Minas de Mascipil en la Nueva Galicia, in Pacheco, Doc., xix. 535.
CHAPTER IV.
ENTRADAS OF RODRIGUEZ AND ESPEJO. 1581-1583.
THE FRANCISCANS IN NUEVA VIZCAYA-FRAY AGUSTIN RODRIGUEZ-PROVINCE OF SAN FELIPE-DETAILS OF WANDERINGS-CHAMUSCADO'S RETURN -- TESTIMONY IN MEXICO-BIBLIOGRAPHY OF THE ENTRADA-THE FRIARS KILLED-ANTONIO ESPEJO AND FRAY BERNARDINO BELTRAN-UP THE RIO DEL NORTE THE JUMANAS-TRACES OF CABEZA DE VACA-THE PUEBLOS-NEWS OF CORONADO-MAP-TO ACOMA AND ZUNI-MOQUI TOWNS-SILVER MINES-RETURN OF BELTRAN AND PART OF THE COM- PANY - ESPEJO VISITS THE QUIRES, UBATES, AND TANOS-PECOS OR CICUIQUE-A HOSTILE PROVINCE-DOWN THE RIO DE VACAS AND HOME -THE NAME NEW MEXICO.
FORTY years had passed away, and in that time the achievements of Fray Marcos and Francisco Vasquez had been wellnigh forgotten, or at least had taken the form of vague and semi-mythic traditions, so min- gled with baseless geographic conjectures as to retain but the frailest foundation of historic fact. But in those years Spanish occupation had gradually extended over a broad field northward from Nueva Galicia to the latitude of southern Chihuahua. Here, in the region corresponding to the later Allende and Jimenez, known then by the various names of San Bartolomé, Santa Bárbara, Santa Bárbola, and San Gregorio, rich mines had been discovered, a flourishing settlement had sprung into existence, the Franciscan friars were striving with their accustomed zeal, and a small mili- tary force was maintained for the protection of miners, missionaries, and a few settlers from the ever-impend- ing raids of savage tribes of the north and east.1
I For the annals of this region in the 16th and 17th centuries, see Hist. North Mex. States.
(74)
75
FRAY AGUSTIN RODRIGUEZ.
One of the missionary band stationed at this fron- tier outpost of the San Bartolomé valley was Fray Agustin Rodriguez.2 In the wanderings to which he was called by duty and by his ardent desire for martyrdom, the good friar came in contact with the Conchos, who lived on the river so called, and from them he heard rumors of a superior people dressed in cotton, whose home was in the north. Padre Agus- tin chanced to have read Cabeza de Vaca's narrative, and this gave the new reports additional interest in his eyes, though he appears to have known nothing of Coronado's entrada. If, while winning his coveted crown of martyrdom, he could also achieve the glory of a new conquista espiritual, so much the better for himself and his order. Therefore, in November 1580, he applied to Viceroy Coruña for a license to under- take the enterprise, apparently visiting Mexico for that purpose. The king had forbidden new entradas except with royal license; yet the viceroy took the liberty of authorizing the organization of a volunteer escort not exceeding twenty men, who might also carry along some articles for barter; the padre pro- vincial gave the required permission ; and the friar re- turned to San Bartolomé to fit out his party.
Two other Franciscans, padres Juan de Santa María and Francisco Lopez, were assigned by the provincial to the new field; eight or nine soldiers of the twenty allowed were induced, in the hope of finding mines, to volunteer their services, one of the number, Francisco Sanchez Chamuscado, being made their leader;3 and from eight to fifteen Indian servants, besides a mes- tizo named Juan Bautista, were engaged for the trip.
2 In the narrative attached to Espejo's relation, more widely circulated than any other, he is called Agustin Ruiz, and by this name he is known to modern writers; but the original records to be cited presently leave no doubt on the matter; and he is also called Rodriguez by Torquemada, Arlegui, Mota Padilla, Aparicio, and others. Vargas, in Pacheco, Doc., xv. 131, calls him Ayamonte.
3 Their names were Pedro Bustamante, Hernan Gallegos, Felipe Escalante, Hernando Barrundo, and (according to Villagrá) Pedro Sanchez de Chavez, Juan Sanchez, Herrera, and Fuensalida. There were perhaps S men besides the leader.
76
ENTRADAS OF RODRIGUEZ AND ESPEJO.
This party, some twenty strong, set out from San Bartolomé on the 6th of June, 1581, and followed the Rio Concha, or Conchos, down to its junction with a very large river which they named the Guadalquivir, really the Rio Grande, or Bravo del Norte. Up this
103
102
NUEVO MEXICO
El Paso
R.Vacas
(R. Pecos)
.81º
31º
Lag.de Patoy
R.del Norte
riguez
Espejo's Return, 1583
153G
Soad
1598
Jumanas
30º
R.Conchos
R.Guadalquivir
(Chihuahua)
Rodriguez, 1587
1500
8
NUEVA
VIZCAYA
Sosa,
R. Nadadores
San Bartolome
(Monclova)
(R.Florido)
.26€
106º
105º
104º
103º
101º
EARLY ROUTES TO NEW MEXICO.
river they marched for 20 days, or 80 leagues, as they overestimated the distance, to the first group of pue- blos, to which province, or rather to the whole region of the pueblos, they gave the name of San Felipe,
Espe
Onate
R.Salado
Cabeza de Vaca,
(R.Grande)
29º
Espejo, 1582
77
EXPLORATIONS IN NEW MEXICO.
arriving in August.4 This first group was in the Socorro region, being the same visited by Coronado's officers. From this point they continued their jour- ney up the valley, and visited most of the groups on the main river and its branches. I append an outline of their movements,5 from which it will be apparent that the towns visited cannot be accurately identified from the meagre details of the testimony, the good faith of which, however, there is no reason to ques- tion. A pueblo of Puaray was made the centre of operations, and from later records it is reasonably clear that this place was in the Tigua province, or Coronado's Tiguex. Here the friars remained while the soldiers made all or part of their exploring trips; and here they were finally left with their Indian attendants and the mestizo, by Chamuscado and his men, who set out on their return in December or
4 Barrundo and Escalante in their Relacion state that from S. Bartolomé they travelled 31 days among tribes of wild Ind., then 19 days through a desert, uninhabited country, and on Aug. 15th found an Ind. who told of a maize-producing people ahead, the pueblos being reached on Aug. 21st; but there is some confusion, as 31 and 19 d. from June 6th would not be Aug. 15th.
" The statement of B. and E. as cited in note 4 is that the Ist pueblo had 45 houses, and half a league farther were found 5 more towns; and in all the province for a space of 50 1. there were 61 towns with a pop. of over 130,000. The following is the narrative of Bustamante and Gallegos: Heard of many pueblos on both sides of the river; went on up the river, visiting many and seeing more; reached a province of different language and dress; and still another with better houses, a good descrip. of the towns being given. (This may be supposed to have been the Tigua prov., or Coronado's Tiguex.) Then they left the river, but still went N. one day to a large pueblo of 400 or 500 houses of 4 or 5 stories, which they called Tlascala (possibly Cia); and heard of a large settlement 10 d. farther N .; but turned back, and from one of the pueblos previously visited and named Castildavid crossed the river to the S. (?), and by a small branch river went to 3 fine pueblos, where they heard of 11 more of a different nation farther up not visited, this valley (not clear if it was the one with 3 or that with 11) being named Valleviciosa. Then they went 30 1. in dif. directions in quest of buffalo, finding many, es- pecially at certain springs and plains which they called Llanos de S. Frau- cisco y Aguas Zarcas; saw also a rancheria of wild Ind. with dogs carrying burdens. Thence they returned to the pueblo (one of the 3), and from that point went down the river to a pueblo called Puaray, or Puara (near Tiguex). Here they heard of a valley of Came in the s., which they visited, finding 6 pueblos of a dif. nation, hearing also of a valley of Asay, or Osay, with 5 pueblos and much cotton, but the suow prevented their going farther. Back at Puaray they went 14 1. across the Sierra Morena to visit some fine salinas, where they obtained specimens of salt for Mexico, and where they saw and heard of other towns. Returning again to Puaray, where the friars had remained, Chamuscado and his soldiers started back for S. Bartolomé.
78
ENTRADAS OF RODRIGUEZ AND ESPEJO.
January. The natives had been everywhere friendly, and no trouble was anticipated; or at least there is no evidence that the missionaries objected to the de- parture of the escort.
On his return to San Bartolomé, Chamuscado and some of his men started for Mexico to report, particu- larly on some mining prospects they had found in the far north; but the leader died on the way. In May 1582 the testimony of two of the men was taken before the viceroy, and this, as supplemented by other evi- dence a little later, constitutes our best authority on the expedition of Padre Rodriguez.6 This supple- mentary investigation was occasioned by rumors that the friars left in the north had been killed; and Bar- rundo, one of Chamuscado's men, testified that among the southern Indians who had voluntarily remained at Puaray were three named Andrés, Francisco, and Gerónimo, the latter a servant of the witness. Fran- cisco had made his appearance at San Bartolomé, and had stated that Padre Lopez, the guardian or chief of the friars, had been killed by the natives of Puaray, whereupon the three Indians had taken flight, believ-
6 (Nuevo Mexico), Testimonio dado en Méjico sobre el Descubrimiento de dos- cientas leguas adelante de las minas de Santa Búrbola, gobernacion de Diego de Ibarra; cuyo descubrimiento se hizo en virtud de cierta licencia que pidió Fr. Agus- tin Rodriguez y otros religiosos Franciscanos. Acompañan relaciones de este des- cubrimiento y otros documentos. Años 1582-3. In Pacheco, Doc., xv. 80-150. First we have the testimony of Bustamante and Gallegos, given May 16th, the day after their arrival, pp. 80-95; 2d, testimony of Hern. Barrundo, taken Oct. 20th, pp. 95-7; 3d, report of the viceroy to king, Nov. Ist, with other corresp. of later date, pp. 97-101; 4th, Espejo, Relacion, as noted elsewhere, including a brief preliminary account of Rodriguez' trip, pp. 101-26; 5th, an undated résumé of the N. Mex. expeditions, including those of Rodriguez and Espejo, by Francisco Diaz de Vargas, pp. 126-37; 6th, views of Rodrigo Rio de Losa on the preparations necessary for a new entrada, resulting in that of Espejo, pp. 137-46; 7th (Escalante and Barrundo), Relacion Breve y verdadera del descubrimiento del Nuevo Mexico, a statement by two of Chamuscado's men, made after the return of part of Espejo's force, pp. 146-50. (Also given in Cartas de Indias, 230-3.) A repetition of Espejo's relation follows in another expediente. For other authorities, see the following note.
All the witnesses speak of the discovery of mines, and E. and B., Rel., 149, give the following details: 'Así mismo descubrimos en la dicha tierra once descubrimientos de minas con vetas muy poderosas, todas ellas de metales de plata, que de los tres déllos se truxo el metal á esta ciudad, y se dió a Su Excelencia; él lo mandó ensayar al ensayador de la casa de la moneda, el cual los ensayó y les halló, al un metal déllos á la mitad de plata; al otro halló á veinte marcos por quintal, y al otro cinco marcos.'
79
THE FIRST MARTYRS.
ing from the tumult they heard that Rodriguez and Santa María were also killed. Andrés was killed on the return, but Gerónimo was found in the Zacatecas mines, and confirmed what Francisco had said, coming to Mexico with the witness, but subsequently disap- pearing. This may be regarded as practically all that was ever known respecting the circumstances of the friars' death. It would appear, however, that Santa María was the first to die instead of Lopez, and that he was killed at some distance from Puaray, where the others met their fate. Some variations of the story, possibly resting to a slight extent on additional information, are appended.7
7 Espejo, Rel., 164, 175-7 (112-15), represents Sta María as the first victim at a distance from Puaray, and even states that he was killed before Chamus- cado's departure; but this last would seem unlikely, since it would involve the witnesses in direct falsehood. E. may have confounded C.'s return with that of the 3 Indians a little later. In Hakluyt's Voy., iii. 383, 389-90, is given a version of Rodriguez' (called Ruiz, as already noted) expedition with that of Espejo, in Span. and Engl., taken from Gonzalez de Mendoza's Hist. China, ed. of Madrid, 1586, which I have not seen. Laet, Novus Orbis, 303, took the account from the ed. of 1589. I have the Ital. ed. of '86 and the Span. of '96, neither of which contains this matter. Neither does Brunet or any other bibliographer that I have consulted note any such difference in edi- tions; though of course I do not doubt that such a curious difference exists. This version is the one followed by most modern writers, as Whipple, in Pac. R. R. Repts, iii. 113-15. It is given substantially in Montanus, N. Weereld, 215-16; and Dapper, N. Welt, 242-3; Ogilby's Amer., 292-5; Holmes' Annals of Amer., i. 95.
P. Zárate de Salmeron, Relaciones, 9-10, and P. Niel, Apunt., 87-8, fol- lowed by Davis, Span. Conq., 234-9, Prince, Hist. Sk., 149-52, and others, tell us that at Puara (located by Davis 8 miles above Alburquerque) the soldiers refused to go on, and in spite of the friars' persuasions abandoned them and returned to the south. The padres went on to Galisteo, of the Tanos nation, where P. Sta María volunteered to go on to Mexico for a mis- sionary reenforcement, while the others returned to Puara. Sta Maria crossed the Sandía Mts, and on the 3d day at S. Pablo (S. Pedro acc. to Niel, perhaps S. Pedro y S. Pablo), of the Teguas (Tiguas) nation, when he stopped to rest under a tree, the natives killed him and burned his remains. After a season of spiritual prosperity at Puara, P. Lopez, while engaged in his devo- tions about a league from the pueblo, was killed by an Ind., and his body was brought for burial to the town. P. Ruiz (Rodriguez) was now alone, but even the protection of the Tigua chief, who removed him to Santiago a league and a half up the river, could not save his life; and his dead body was soon thrown into the river. The remains of Lopez were disinterred in 1614, and reburied in the church at Sandía. Of course the statements of Salmeron and Niel command respect, even though the source of their information is not definitely known. Davis seems to have translated Salmeron's text-which on p. 278 he says he was unable to find-without knowing it, having probably seen a MS. copy which he may have mistaken for an original doc. in the archives.
Torquemada's version, Monarq. Ind., iii. 459, 626-8, is similar to that just
80
ENTRADAS OF RODRIGUEZ AND ESPEJO.
It seemed to the viceroy and his advisers in Mex- ico altogether proper and even necessary that some- thing should be done, not only to ascertain the fate of the two friars, and succor them if still alive, but to investigate the truth of Chamuscado's reports respect- ing silver mines, and the general desirability of the northern province for Spanish occupation. But long before the red-tape processes in vogue at the capital could be concluded, the expediente completed, the king consulted, and any practical result reached, a new expedition was planned and carried out indepen- dently of the national authorities.
The Franciscans of Nueva Vizcaya were naturally much troubled about the fate of Padre Rodriguez and his companion, after the return of their native attend- ants with reports that one of the three friars had been killed; and Padre Bernardino Beltran was eager to represent his order in a new entrada. Don Antonio Espejo, a rich citizen of Mexico who chanced to be sojourning temporarily at the Santa Bárbara mines, and who had a taste for adventure, was willing to pay the expenses of the expedition, and serve as com- mander. There was no time to consult the viceroy, but the alcalde mayor of Cuatro Ciénegas took it upon
noticed. He gives some biographic matter about the three martyrs. Rodi- guez was a lay friar, a native of Niebla in Spain, who had penetrated some distance northward before he went to Mex. to get a license for the expedition. Lopez was an Andalusian, and superior of the band. Sta Maria was a Cata- lan, versed in astrology, which peculiarity lel him to try a new route of re- turn. The friars went on 150 1. after the soldiers left them, to N. Mex .- so named by this party. His meaning is perhaps that the escort turned back somewhere in the El Paso region, and did not reach the pueblos. This author is followed literally or in substance by Vetancur, C'ron., 95; Id., Menologio, 57-8, 130; Mendieta, Hist. Ecles., 732-5; an 1 Fernandez, Hist. Ecles., 57-8. Arlegui, Chron. de Zac., 227-32, gives a similar version, but tells us that the soldiers turned back at S. Bartolomé, and the friars kept on to a spring calle.1 Sta María de las Canetas (in northern Chihuahua), where two were killed, after the other had started to return, by a tribe hostile to the one with whom they worked. Aparicio. Conventos, 281, makes the date 1551, and the distance to the Tiguas 400 1. Mota Padilla, Conq. N. Gal., 107-9, tells ns they went beyond the Tiguas and were killed in the prov. of Marata! Alegre, Hist. Coup. Jesus, i. 326-7, seems to have no idea that they went so far north as N. Mex. Alcedo, Dicc., ili. 183-4, implies that Ruiz accompanied Espejo. Villagrá, Hist. N. Mex., 35, gives a poetical version, and, as we have seen, names the members of Chamuscado's party. See also Calle, Noticias, 101-2; Salazar, Monarquia de España, ii. 258-9; Frejes, Hist. Breve, 145; Pino, N. Mec., 5; St Francis' Life, 575.
81
ANTONIO ESPEJO.
himself to issue the needed license and commission; fourteen soldiers volunteered for the service;8 a num- ber of native servants were obtained; Espejo fitted out the party with the necessary arms and supplies, including 115 horses and mules; and the start was made from San Bartolomé on the 10th of November, 1582. The route as before was down the Rio Conchos to the junction of the Bravo, a distance of 59 leagues, accomplished in fifteen days, as is somewhat vaguely indicated in the narrative.9 On the way Espejo found
8 The soldiers were Juan Lopez de Ibarra, Diego Perez de Lujan, Gaspar de Lujan, Cristóbal Sanchez, Gregorio Hernandez, Juan Hernandez, Miguel Sanchez Valenciano, with wife and two sons, Lázaro Sanchez and Miguel San- chez Nevado, Pedro Hernandez de Almansa, Francisco Barreto (Barrero or Barroto), Bernardo de Luna (or Cuna), Juan de Frias, and Alonso Miranda. The Hakluyt version does not give the force. Aparicio says there were 100 horsemen. Vargas, 131-2, says there were 17 men and a woman; and he names the padre Pedro de Heredia. Espejo, himself, in one letter, Expediente, 151, says he had 15 men. Arlegui and Mota Padilla tell us there were two friars, the latter naming the 2d Juan de la Cruz.
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