History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, Volume XVII, Part 19

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe, 1832-1918; Oak, Henry Lebbeus, 1844-1905
Publication date: 1889
Publisher: San Francisco : The History Company
Number of Pages: 890

USA > Arizona > History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, Volume XVII > Part 19
USA > New Mexico > History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, Volume XVII > Part 19

Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).

156

EIGHTY YEARS OF NEW MEXICAN ANNALS.

whole party followed its banks southward, the natives being friendly, and interviews respecting the Northern Mystery taking the place of adventures. Below the Amacavas were the Bahacechas, and next the Ozaras, a somewhat ruder people living on a large river flowing from the south-east, and named the Rio del Nombre de Jesus. This was the Gila, and the valley was said to be occupied by the same nation in twenty towns. Below the junction for twenty leagues to the sea the country was thickly inhabited by tribes similar in manners and language to the Bahacechas. First were the Halchedumas in eight towns or rancherías; then nine settlements of the Coahuanas, five of the Tlaglli, or Haglli, six of the Talliguamayas, and nine of the Cocapas at the head of tide-water, five leagues from the river's mouth. The population on the eastern bank alone was not less than 20,000.19

Oñate reached tide-water on January 23, 1605, and on the 25th, with the friars and nine men, went down to the mouth. Here he found a fine harbor, formed by an island in the centre, in which he thought 1,000 ships might ride at anchor. That the sea extended indefinitely north-westward behind a range of hills, the Spaniards believed on the authority of the Indians; and this belief had much to do later with the opinion that California was an island. The port was formally christened, from the day, Puerto de la Conversion de San Pablo. The rest of the company came down to see the port, and then the explorers began their return march by the same route to New Mexico. There were ten different languages spoken on the way, and Padre Escobar on the return could speak them all (!), thus gathering new items of fable respecting western and northern wonders. They had to eat their horses, but arrived safe and sound at San Gabriel on the 25th

19 Vetancur, Chron., 95-6, says he has seen the doc. dated Jan. 15, 1605, by which Oñate in the king's name gave to Escobar, or to the faith in his person, possession (assignment as a future missionary field?) of the region from the Rio del Norte 200 1. s. to the Puerto (Rio ?) de Buena Esperanza.

157

END OF OÑATE'S RULE.

of April. This important exploration of Arizona has been entirely unknown to modern writers.20 There seems to have been a preceding expedition in 1604, directed to the north, with padres Velasco and Sal- meron as chaplains.21 The expedition accredited by Peñalosa to Zaldívar in 1618-with forty-seven sol- diers and Padre Lázaro Jimenez, who went fifteen leagues from Moq to the Rio de Buena Esperanza, but were driven back by tales of giants-is merely, as I suppose, a confused reference to that of Oñate just described.22

Nothing is definitely known of Oñate's acts in New Mexico after his return from the west in 1605; nor have I seen any record of his later career,23 except that a new expedition out into the eastern plains is rather doubtfully attributed to him in 1611.24 He may indeed have been still in the country at that date and later, engaged as captain of explorers in a vain search for northern wealth; but there is evidence that he ceased to rule as governor in 1608, and was per-

20 Salmeron, Rel., 30-8; Niel, Apunt., 81-6. Cardona, Relacion, 32-3, had heard from capt. Marquez and Vaca that they struck the Tizon in 36° 30'; that the famous port was in 35°; that the giant queen took powdered pearls in her drink; and that south of the Tizon was a large Rio del Coral. Casanate, Mem., 24, gives a similar report with less of detail. P. Garcés, Diario, 364, in 1776, says that Oñate heard of a Rio Turon, probably identical with one of which he himself heard while crossing from Cal. to the Colorado, and with that mentioned by P. Escalante in 1775. The fact that Davis does not men- tion this exped. shows that he had but a fragment of Salmeron.

21 Vetancur, Chron., 118. The author has seen P. Pedro Salmeron's report of the entrada; and the same doc. is cited in Fernandez Duro, 145, without date.

22 The story is given in the works of Shea and Fernandez Duro; also from Shea, in Prince's Hist. Sk., 176-8.

23 Lopez de Haro, Nobilario, as cited by Fernandez Duro, 130, implies that O. was still serving the king in 1620, but says nothing of his having left N. Mex.

24 Barreiro, Ojeada, 7, says O. went E. in 1611, and discovered the Canibar lakes and a Rio Colorado, or Palizade, prob. Los Cadauchos, thus gaining a right to the eastern country. Davis, El Gringo, 73-4, Span. Conq., 276-7, tells the same story, taking it perhaps from Barreiro, changing Canibares to 'Cannibal,' and giving the opinion that the Rio Palizada was prob. the Cana- dian. He credits the exped. to O. in 1611, though by his own reckoning O. must have ceased to rule some years before. Posadas, as we have seen, dates O.'s exped. to Quivira in 1606, doubtless by error. Zal livar's exped. of 1618, as we have also seen, is only a confused ref. to that of 1604.

158

EIGHTY YEARS OF NEW MEXICAN ANNALS.

haps succeeded by Don Pedro de Peralta.25 About the same time, when 8,000 natives had been converted, Padre Alonso Peinado came to succeed Escobar as comisario, accompanied by eight or nine friars, being in turn succeeded by Padre Estévan Perea in 1614.26 The names of Governor Peralta's successors for a dozen years or more are not known, and the history of the whole period is wellnigh a blank.

Yet within this period, or rather between 1605 and 1616, was founded the villa of Santa Fé, or San Fran- cisco de la Santa Fé. The modern claim that this is the oldest town in the United States rests entirely on its imaginary annals as an Indian pueblo before the Spanish conquest. There are but slight indications, if any, that Santa Fé was built on the site of a pueblo ; and its identification with Cicuye, Tiguex, or any other particular or prominent pueblo, has no foundation what- ever.27 We have seen that San Juan was Oñate's

25 Calle, Not., 103, a good authority, says a new gov. was appointed in 1608 with a salary of $2,000. Vetancur, Chron., 96, says that in 1608 the king assumed the support of both soldiers and padres; that it probably put an end to the Oñate contract. Davis, Spin. Conq., 420, or Miller, found evi- dence in the archives at Sta Fé that Peralta ruled 9 years after Oñate's com- ing, that is, in 1607 or 1608, and not 1600 as D. makes it by dating O.'s entry in 1591. Prince suggests that P. ruled in 1600, but O. was reinstated later ! 26 Vetancur, Chron., 96; Id., Menol., 65; Torquemada, ii. 678. V. says P. succeeded Escalona, clearly a slip of the pen. See also Barriero, Ojeada, 7; Villagra, Hist., 177; and Salmeron, Rel., II. The latter says that in 1614 the remains of the martyred Padre Lopez of 1581 were found by P. Perea, the com., and buried at Sandía. Yet Vetancur implies that Perea came in '28. 27 In the pamphlet Sta Fe, Centennial Sketch, of 1876, the title bears the inscription 'Santa Fe, the oldest city in North America' ! Ex-gov. Arny in his address, Id., pp. 6-8, informs us that Cabeza de Vaca and Coronado found the Indians living in cities, and 'especially the pueblo city, with its many thousand inhab., where we now stand'; that the governor's palace in full view of the audience was built before 1581, from the material of the old In- dian town; that the Indians revolted before 1583, driving out the settlers and priests; but that Espejo reconquered the province and forced the natives to toil in the mines ! Fortunately, the imaginative orator committed the prepa- ration of his historic sketch proper to David J. Miller, who knew more of his subject; yet even M. thinks Sta Fé identical with Cicuye. Bandelier, Hist. Introd., 19, to correct the popular impression at Sta Fé, notes that the town stood on the site of Tiguex. But in Ritch's Aztlan, 201, the same writer seems to think there was at Sta Fé a pueblo whose aboriginal name was Po-o-ge. A few years ago, since 1880, a grand celebration was held of the 300th (or 350th or 400th, it matters not which) anniversary of the founding ! Similar errors might be cited in no end of newspaper and pamphlet sketches. Prince, Hist. Sk., 168, thinks Sta Fé may have been built at El Teguayo, one of the chief pueblos, where the first missionary station after S. Ildefonso was established.

159

FOUNDING OF SANTA FÉ.

capital from 1598, and that preparations were made for building a city of San Francisco in that vicinity. Naturally, in the troubles that ensued, little if any progress was made; and after the controversies were past-not during Oñate's rule, I think28_it was deemed best to build the new villa on another site. I have been able to find no record of the date; but the first definite mention is in 1617, on January 3d of which year the cabildo of Santa Fé petitioned the king to aid the " nueva poblacion." 29

In 1617, as appears from the document just cited, though the friars had built eleven churches, converted 14,000 natives, and prepared as many more for con- version, there were only forty-eight soldiers and set- tlers in the province. Among the inscriptions copied by Simpson from El Moro is one to the effect that the governor passed that way on July 29, 1620, returning from a successful tour of pacification to Zuñi.30 In 1620, or possibly a little earlier, controversies arose between the political and ecclesiastical authorities, the custodio assuming the right to issue excommunication against the governor, the latter claiming authority to appoint petty Indian officials at the missions, and both being charged with oppressive exactions of labor and tribute from the natives. This matter was referred to the audiencia, and drew out reprimand and warning against both parties.31

It was about this time that Padre Gerónimo de Zárate Salıneron entered this missionary field, where

28 See p. 132-3 of this vol. Calle, Not., 103, says that the new gov. in 1608 was ordered to live at Sta Fé; and one or two authorities say that Oñate left Sta Fé for his western tour of 1604-5; but I suppose these are careless refer- ences to what was the capital at the time of writing.

29 N. Mex., Doc., MS., i. 494-6. In reply, the king, by cédula of May 20, 1620, ordered the viceroy to render all possible aid to the cabildo and settlers. 3 Simpson's Jour., 105, pl. 67. Under the inscription are the names of Diego Nuñez Bellido, Joseph Ramos (?) Diego, Zapata, and Bartolomé Naranjo, or Narrso; one of which may be that of the gov. Domenech, Deserts, i. 416-17, makes Naranjo the gov .; and Prince, Hist. Sk., 174, misquotes the inscription to add Narrso to his list of governors. It will be noticed that Capt. Diego Nuñez, Alf. Leon Zapata, and Naranjo are among the names in the list of Oñate's original company of 1598.

31 N. Mer. Traslado de una Cédula, Jan. 9, 1621, in Arch. Sta Fé, MS. The Zuñis and Moquis were exempt from tribute.

160

EIGHTY YEARS OF NEW MEXICAN ANNALS.

for eight years he "sacrificed himself to the Lord among the pagans," toiling chiefly among the Jemes, of whom he baptized 6,566, and in whose language he wrote a doctrina. He also served at Cia and Sandía among the Queres, and once pacified Acoma after a revolt.32 Above all things he was eager to convert new tribes; and it was with a view to overcome ob- stacles in this direction that in 1626 he came to Mex- ico with his Relaciones. In this most valuable work, elsewhere fully noticed, he unfortunately for our pres- ent purpose dealt chiefly with the past and future, saying little of events in his own time, partly perhaps because there was not much to say. The padre was delighted with the country, its climate, people, and products, agricultural and mineral;33 but disgusted with the apathy of the Spaniards "content if they have a good crop of tobacco to smoke, caring for no more riches, apparently under a vow of poverty, which is saying much for men who in their thirst for gold would enter hell itself to get it."

In 1621 the missions, with over 16,000 converts, were formed into a 'custodia de la conversion de San Pablo.'34 Padre Alonso Benavides came as the first custodio, and brought with him twenty-seven friars.35 Yet in 1626, when according to Salmeron and Bena-

32 It did not remain pacified, since in '29 Acoma was again reduced to peace and Christianity by the miraculous recovery on baptism of a dying child. Benavides, Requeste, 39. Also in Laet, Novus Orbis, 361.

33 He is careful to note the existence of rich mines, many of them dis- covered by himself. When Oñate had passed through Tula on his way N. Padre Diego had prophesied, 'By the life of Fray Diego there are great riches in the remote parts of N. Mex .; but by the life of Fray Diego it is not for the present settler that God holds them in reserve.' Gregg, Com. Prairies, i. 121, 162-3, speaks of many rich mines having been worked traditionally before 1680, later lost or concealed by the natives to prevent a repetition of brutal outrages, the elders still lecturing the young men on the danger of divulging the secret. Yet I have no faith in extensive mining operations in N. Mex. during this century, or anything more than prospecting.

3+ Revilla Gigedo, Carta de 1793, p. 441; Calle, Not., 103. Yet Vetancur often speaks of the chief of the friars as custodio as well as comisario in the earlier years. Aparicio, Conventos, 282, says there were seven monasteries in '23.

35 P. Martin de Arvide seems to have been one of them. He served at Picuries and at Zuai, but was killed by the Zipias in '32. Vetancur, Menol., 16, 24.

161

PROGRESS OF CONVERSION.

vides over 34,000 Indians had been baptized and forty- three churches built-so effectually had the soil been fructified by the early martyrs' blood-only sixteen friars and three laymen were left in the field, the cause of the decrease not being explained.36 The lack of workmen and the promise of the field having been reported by the custodio to the comisario general, the king in 1627 ordered thirty new friars and a number of laymen to be sent immediately, and all needed aid to be rendered in future. This reënforcement came from the provincia del Santo Evangelio in Mexico in 1628-9.87

In these years we have the names of two governors, Felipe Zotylo at some time during Benavides' term as custodio, that is, 1621-9, and Manuel de Silva in 1629.38 In 1630 the Franciscan comisario general represented to the king the necessity of erecting a bishopric in New Mexico, where 500,000 gentiles had been converted and 86,000 baptized, where over 100 friars were at work in 150 pueblos, where there were

36 Salmeron gives the no. of baptisms as 34,650; Benavides as 34,320, from a royal cédula of '26. Acc. to St Francis' Life, 575, the Socorro mission estab. 30 years after the 1st was the 37th. Laet, Nov. Orh., 315, says three churches were built in the Socorro district, at Senecú, Pilabo, and Sevilleta in 1626.

37 Under P. Estévan de Perea-already mentioned, perhaps erroneously, as comisario in '14. Vetancur, Chron., 96. The same writer names P. Tomás Manso as custodio in 1629, possession being given by a doc. of March 6th, of the region from Rio Sacramento N. toward Quivira. This P. Manso was procurador of N. Mex. for 25 years; provincial in Mex. '55; and later bishop of Nicaragua, where he died. Id., Menol., 135. Other friars apparently of this party were García de San Francisco y Zuñiga, who founded Socorro and a pueblo of Mansos in '59, died '73, buried at Senecu; Antonio de Arteaga, companion of García and founder of Senecu' 30; Fran. Letrado, who toiled among the Jumanas and later at Zuni, killed by gentiles in '32; Fran. Ace- bedo, who built churches at S. Greg. de Abo, Tenabo, and Tabira, dying in '44; Fran. Porras, who with PP. Andrés Gutierrez and Cris. de la Concepcion went to Moqui, where God worked many miracles through hiw, but he was poisoned on June 28, '33; Gerón. de la Llana, who died at Quarac pueblo in 59; Tomás de S. Diego, who died in Oajaca '59; Juan Ramirez, who went to Acoma, where the arrows failed to touch him, and he worked many years, dying in Mex. '64; and Juan de la Torre, who become comisario gen. of New Spain, and bishop of Nicaragua, where he died in '63. Vetancur, Menol., 7-8, 16, 66, 75, 77, 82, 135-6; Medina, Chron., 162-3, 168-70, 175-6.

38 Incidentally mentioned in Vetancur, Menol., 24; Id., Chron., 96. Fer- nandez Duro, 146, cites an undated MS. report by Francisco Nieto de Silva, gov. of N. Mex. He also cites under date of 1628 an Expedicion del P. Fr. Antonio (Alonso?) Peinado á la provincia de Moqui, a MS. in the Acad. de Hist.

HIST. ARIZ. AND N. MEX. 11

162

EIGHTY YEARS OF NEW MEXICAN ANNALS.

no clergymen and none authorized to administer the right of confirmation. A bishop would save much expense, and would easily be supported by tithes, es- pecially as rich mines had been found and the popula- tion was rapidly increasing. The viceroy was ordered to investigate and report on the desirability of this change; but long delays ensued and nothing was ac- complished.39

Padre Benavides went in person to Spain, and his report to the king, dated Madrid, 1630, although meagre and superficial in comparison with what it might have been, is the most important authority ex- tant on these times." It shows that there were about 50 friars, serving over 60,000 christianized natives in over 90 pueblos, grouped in 25 missions, or conventos, as they were called, each pueblo having its own church. The Indians as a rule were easily controlled, and paid tribute in corn and cotton to support the garrison of 250 Spaniards at Santa Fé, where a church had re- cently been completed. The outlying gentile tribes -- all known as Apaches and classified as Apaches de Xila, Apaches de Navajó, and Apaches Vaqueros- had as yet caused no serious troubles; in fact, in the Xila province and among the Navajos peace bad been

39 Royal order of May 19, '31, citing the demand of Com. Gen. Sosa. N. Mex., Cédulas, MS., 1-2; also order of June 23, '36, on the same subject, and adds that the pope has been asked to grant to some friar authority to confirm pending the election of a bishop. Id., 3-6; see also Bonilla, Apuntes, MS., 1; Revilla Gigedo, Carta de 1793, MS .; Calle, Not., 103. As early as 1596 the bishop of Guadalajara set up a claim to N. Mex, as within his bishopric. N. Mex., Mem., 227. The statistics of the com. gen. as given in my text would seem to be greatly exaggerated.

" Benavides, Memorial que Fray Juan de Santander ... presentó á Felipe IV. Madrid, 1630, 4°, 109 p. P. Santander was the Franciscan com. gen., and pre- sented B.'s memorial with some introd. remarks of his own. I have not seen the original, but use Benavides, Reqveste remonstrative av Roy d'Espagne sur la conversion du Nouveau Mexico. Bruxelles, 1631, 16mo, 10 1., 120 p., in the library of M. Alphonse Pinart. I regard this as a translation of the Memorial. Fernandez Duro, 132-3, says 'P. Benavides published in 1632 another memo- rial, proposing the opening of the rivers of the bay of Espiritu Santo, acc. to a reference of P. Posadas. Juan Laet made an extract of the Descrip. Nout- sima of N. Mex. in his work, the Novus Orbis. Fr. Juan Gravenden trans- lated it (the original Mem., I suppose) into Latin; and in French it was pub. in 1631.' Extracts in N. Mex. Doc., MS., iii. 1147-52; Nouv. Ann. Voy., cxxxi. 303-9. P. Benavides did not return to N. Mex., but became archbishop of Goa in Asia.

163

BENAVIDES' MEMORIAL.

made; and in the former, where Benavides had been, a missionary was now working with much success.41 The author recounts the miraculous conversion of the Jumanas, living 112 leagues east of Santa Fé, through the supernatural visits of Sister Luisa de la Ascen- sion, an old nun of Carrion, Spain, who had the power of becoming young and beautiful, and of transporting herself in a state of trance to any part of the world where were souls to be saved. 42 The padre has some- thing to say of Quivira and the Aijaos east of the Jumanas; and concludes with a brief account of Coro- nado's expedition and the countries by him discovered, without suspicion that those countries were identical with his own custodia of New Mexico. The work is mainly descriptive, and has some special value as giving more definitely than any other authority the territorial locations of the pueblo groups in the 17th century, and thus throwing light on earlier explorations. It is to be regretted that the writer did not, as he might easily have done, give more fully the pueblo names and locations, and thus clear up a subject which it is to be feared must always remain in confusion and ob- scurity. 43

41 The Xila prov. was 30 1. from Seneca, and I suppose this to be the Ist use of the name later applied to the Rio Gila, which rises in this region. Navajó is said to mean grande semaille or 'great sowing.' The author has much to say of the manners and customs of these wild tribes.

** Details pertain to Texas rather than N. Mex. In Spain B. learned that he was wrong about the woman; for he had an interview with María de Jesus, abbess of the convent of Agreda, who often since 1620 had been carried by the heavenly hosts to N. Mex. to preach the faith. Sometimes she made the round trip several times in 24 hours. She described events that had oc- curred in B.'s presence when she had been invisible to all but Ind. eyes. She spoke of the kingdoms of Chillescas, Cambujos, and Titlas east of Quivira. She could easily speak the native dialects when on the ground, but not in Spain! She enclosed a letter of encouragement to the padres in 1631. Palou, Vida de Junip. Serra, 331-41. The conversion of the Jumanas in 1629 is also noted by Vetancur, Chron., 96, who says that P. Juan de Salas and Diego Lopez went from S. Antonio Isleta after the miraculous operations of the lady. " Benavides' classification and statistics are as follows: See also Vetancur's at end of this chap.

Piros, or Picos, nation, southernmost of N. Mex., on both sides the Rio Grande for 15 1., from Senecú to Sevilleta; 15 pueblos, 6,000 Ind., all bap- tized; 3 missions, Nra Sra del Socorro at Pilabo, S. Ant. Senecú, and S. Luis Obispo Sevilleta.

Toas (doubtless Tiguas), nation 7 1. above Piros, 15 or 16 pueblos, 7,000

164

EIGHTY YEARS OF NEW MEXICAN ANNALS.

A half-century's history from 1630 is made up of a probably incomplete list of governors, a few references to explorations on the eastern or Texan frontier, a few uncertain records of troubles with the Indians, and an occasional item of mission progress or politico-ecclesi- astical controversy. While making considerable ad- ditions in every phase of the subject to the results of previous investigations, I can present nothing like a continuous and complete narrative; and I do not pro- pose to waste space by a pretence of so doing.

Fernando de Argüello is named as governor in 1640.44 Luis de Rosas next held the office, being murdered in 1641 or 1642, and succeeded by Valdés, and he by Alonzo Pacheco de Heredia. 45 Argüello

Ind., all baptized; 2 missions, S. Antonio Sandía and S. Antonio Isleta. (It will be remembered that Puruai had also been called S. Antonio.)

Queres nation, 4 1. above Tiguas, extending 10 1. from S. Felipe and includ- ing Sta Ana on the w .; 7 pueblos, 4,000 Ind., all bapt .; 3 missions.

Tompiros nation, 10 1. E. of Queres (prob. should be Tiguas and Piros), extending 15 1. from Chilili; 14 or 15 pueblos, over 10,000 Ind., all converted and most haptized; 6 missions, one called S. Isidoro Numanas (Jumanas?); Ind. also called Salmeros (Salineros) living near the Salinas.

Tanos nation, 10 1. N. of Tompiros, extending 10 1 .; 5 pueblos; one mission; 4,000 Ind., all baptized.

Pecos, pueblo of Jemes nation and lang., 4 l. N. of Tanos; 2,000 Ind .; mission.

Sta Fé, villa; 7 1. w. of Pecos; capital; 250 Span. and 700 Ind .; mission church nearly completed.

Toas or Tevas (Tehuas) nation, w. of Sta Fé toward the river, extending 10 or 12 1 .; 8 pueblos, including Sta Clara; 6,000 Ind .; 3 missions, including S. Ildefonso. These were the first natives baptized.

Picuríes pueblo of Toas (Tehuas) nation, 10 1. up the river from S. Ildefonso; 2,000 Ind. baptized, the most savage in the province, and often miraculously restrained from killing the padres.

Taos pueblo of same uation as Picuries, but differing a little in language; 7 1. N. of P .; 1,500 Ind. converted to Christian ideas of marriage by lightning sent to kill a woman who opposed it; mission and 2 padres.

Acoma pueblo, 12 1. w. of Sta Ana (same discrepancy as so often noted be- fore); 2,000 Ind., reduced in 1629; one friar.

Zuñi nation, 30 1. w. of Acoma, extending 9 or 10 1 .; 11 or 12 pueblos. 10,000 converted Ind .; 2 missions.

Moqui nation, 30 1. w. of Zuñi; 10,000 Ind., who are being rapidly con- verted.

" Davis' list, originally prepared by Miller for the surv .- gen. (U. S. Land Off. Rept, '62, p. 102), completed by D. and revised by M. The orig. had but one gov. before '80. The names and dates are taken from ref. in later doc. of the Arch. Sta Fé. I shall make important additions of names and dates from various sources. I think Arguello's rule of '40 may be doubtful. Davis' list to '80 is Peralta 1600 (1608 et seq.), Argüello '40, Concha '50, Ávila y Pacheco '56, Villanueva, Frecinio '75, Otermin '80-3.

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History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, Volume XVII, Part 19

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe, 1832-1918; Oak, Henry Lebbeus, 1844-1905 Publication date: 1889 Publisher: San Francisco : The History Company Number of Pages: 890

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe, 1832-1918; Oak, Henry Lebbeus, 1844-1905
Publication date: 1889
Publisher: San Francisco : The History Company
Number of Pages: 890