USA > Arizona > History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, Volume XVII > Part 49
USA > New Mexico > History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, Volume XVII > Part 49
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22 See Niles' Reg., lxxiv. 211, 224, with references to the Sta Fé Republican, which journal thinks Texas would do well to go slow if she wishes to avoid a coat of tar and feathers for her representatives. The judge who started for Sta Fé to hold court is called Beard.
23 Davis' El Gringo, 110-11. He adds that the state party favored Neigh- bors and the Texan scheme, while the territorial party took the opposite view; but this seems hardly possible, as there was nothing west of the river to make a state of. Probably the territorial party tried to make capital against their opponents by charging them with secret favor to Texas. Acc. to Ford in Creuzbaur's Route to Cal., 4, Maj. Neighbors was accompanied by . D. C. Sullivan, A. D. Neal, and Dr John S. Ford, with a party of Indians, starting in March 1849. Says Thrall, Hist. Texas, 360: 'Iu 1847 Gov. Hen- derson had called the attention of the legislature to our claim to Sta Fé; and in 1848 a bill passed the legislature extending the laws of Texas over that portion of N. Mex. east of the Rio Graude River, and Judge Beard was sent there to hold district court. Col Munroe paid no attention to the Texas judge, and proceeded to order an election of a territorial delegate to the U. S. congress. Gov. Wood requested the legislature to put the whole military power of the state under his control, that he might enforce the claim; but in a corresp. with the state dept at Washington he was notified that if Texas attempted a forcible possession of Sta Fé the Texans would be treated as
456
MILITARY RULE IN NEW MEXICO.
sentatives never lost an opportunity of declaiming on the unquestionable validity of their claim, there was much difference of opinion, even among southern members, on its original merits; but in this, as in every phase of the whole matter, all was merged in the slavery issue. Texas was a slave state, and east- ern New Mexico, if decided to be a part of Texas, would be an immense territory gained at once for the south, whatever might be the final result farther west. This was the only real strength of the Texan claim in congress beyond the zealous efforts of the Texans themselves, among whom, however, as we shall see, a new motive soon became potent in the matter. This phase of the slavery question also caused northern members to favor a territorial gov- ernment in New Mexico, as a choice of evils, even if slavery could not be prohibited.
Early in 1850 the great battle in congress reached its height, and so hot and bitter had the struggle be- come that conservative leaders on both sides were seriously alarmed at the possibility of a sectional con- flict, which might disrupt the union. Therefore the idea of compromise gradually gained ground, even among northern members. A new and wonderful in- dustrial development and growth of population, result- ing from the discovery of gold, had not only fitted California for immediate statehood, but had made it apparent that slavery could never exist in the north, though the south still made a struggle for a possible slave state of the future in southern California. In Texas, the idea of relinquishing the claim to New Mexico for a money consideration from the United States rapidly grew in favor, being powerfully sup- ported at Washington by a lobby representing the
intruders. In the heat of the controversy some of our writers contended that if the delegate from N. Mex. was admitted to his seat in congress, the Texas delegates should withdraw, and the state resume her separate nationality. This question, like that of the settlement of the public debt, was left for the next administration.' In the 2d sess. of the 30th cong. there was consider- able discussion of this Texan matter without definite results. Cong. Globe, 1848-9.
457
FINAL ACTION OF CONGRESS.
state creditors. In January Mr Clay introduced in the senate a series of compromise resolutions, the con- tents of which, in variously modified forms, afforded matter for a complicated and exciting debate of six months. These resolutions were not adopted, and various compromise bills, embodying provisions of a somewhat similar nature, were, as a whole, defeated; but nevertheless the ideas involved became firmly rooted, and enough conservative votes on each side were gained to adopt separately the compromise meas- ures, which became laws in September.
By this action the south gained a more satisfactory fugitive slave law than had before existed; while the north secured the prohibition of slave trade in the District of Columbia. California was admitted as a free state. New Mexico and Utah, embracing all the rest of the newly acquired domain, were admitted as ter- ritories, without conditions prohibiting slavery. And finally, Texas was paid $10,000,000, about half of which amount may be regarded as having gone to pay for her New Mexican claim. Thus each portion of the region wrested from Mexico got the government best suited to its condition, and so far as local interests, rights, and needs were concerned, the solution was emi- nently a satisfactory one. It was hardly less so as a temporary compromise of the great sectional struggle. The south won the main point at issue by defeating all measures designed to prohibit slavery in the terri- tories, but lost a possible chance of making southern California a slave state; while the north, though forced to recede from its original uncompromising po- sition, gained a free state, and made no permanent concession to slavery, since the great question of the right to hold slaves in the territories was left open- to be fought out, to the ultimate triumph of freedom, in the greatest war of modern times.
The senate passed the Texas boundary bill on the 7th, and the bill providing a territorial government for New Mexico on the 15th of August; the two bills
458
MILITARY RULE IN NEW MEXICO.
were joined by the house, came back to the senate on September 9th, and were signed by the president on the same day. The act was not, however, to go into effect.until the general assembly of Texas should have formally accepted the boundary, which was done on the 25th of November.24 The territory, as thus organ- ized in 1850, included substantially the New Mexico and Arizona of later years,25 with a small part of Colo- rado. . Congress reserved the right to divide the territory, or to attach any portion of it to any other territory or state. When admitted as a state, New Mexico was to be received with or without slavery as her constitution might prescribe. The new govern-, ment did not go into actual operation at Santa Fé until March 1851; and it may be noted here that a memorial of the legislature, received in congress after the passage of the territorial bill, excited some fears, real or pretended, of an attempt on the part of the north to admit the state after all; also that Senator- elect Weightman made his appearance, and vainly tried to collect his mileage of $2,000 on the plea, sup- ported by several in the senate, that his position, so far as mileage was concerned, was identical with that of the senators from California.26
24 I take this date from Thrall's Hist. Texas, 367. In U. S. Govt. Doc., 31st cong., 2d sess., H. Ex. Doc. 8, is the message from Texas, formally an- nouncing the agreement.
25 The boundary was as follows: 'Beginning at a point in the Colorado River where the boundary line with the republic of Mex. crosses the same; thence eastwardly with the said boundary line to the Rio Grande; thence following the main channel of said river to the parallel of the 32º north lat .; thence east with said degree, to its intersection with the 103° long. west of Green- wich; thence north with said degree of long. to the parallel of 38º north lat .; thence west with said parallel to the summit of the Sierra Madre; thence south with the crest of said mountains to the 37° north lat .; thence west with said parallel to its intersection with the boundary line of the state of Califor- nia; thence with said boundary line to the place of beginning.' That part lying west of long. 109° was detached in 1863 to form Arizona; and that part above lat. 37° in 1867 was attached to Colorado. There was also a large ad- dition in 1854 by the Gadsden purchase, most of which was detached with Arizona. Utah as organized in 1850 included the later Nevada, Utah, and those parts of Colorado and Wyoming which lie south of lat. 42° and west of the mountains. There was a little strip of the territory acquired from Mex- ico, lying between lat. 38°, the mountains, and the Arkansas River, that does not seem to have been provided for in the final settlement of 1850.
26 Cong. Globe, 1849-50, p. 1808, 1828, 1933-5, 1948-9. See also, on the general subject of the debate and final settlement, Benton's Debates, xvi. 592-
459
INDIAN AFFAIRS.
The treaty brought within the limits of the United States about 120,000 Indians as was estimated at the time, over one fourth of which number were in New Mexico, or a still greater proportion if all on the frontiers were included. The government had assumed the obligation of protecting the province from the in- cursions of hostile tribes, an obligation it could by no means fulfil, especially in the first years. The military force was altogether inadequate, the local authorities had little skill or experience, and the failure of the Americans was even more complete than that of the Mexicans in earlier times. Never had the condition of the province in this respect been worse than in 1848-50. Doubtless this unfortunate state of things was due largely to unavoidable results of the late war, to the presence and acts of the Missouri volunteers in 1846-7, to delays in substituting a proper force of regulars in 1848-9, and especially to bitterness, dis- sensions, and lack of confidence between the Americans and Mexicans growing out of the revolt of 1847. The Navajos and Apaches were as always the country's chief terror, and their raids for murder and plunder were unceasing. The Navajos, who were rich and prosperous at home as well as valiant warriors, made the stealing of live-stock a regular business by which to increase their wealth, openly declaring that they would long ago have exterminated the Mexicans had it not been deemed more profitable to use them as shepherds. The Apaches came to regard their raids as a legitimate occupation, their only means of gain- ing a livelihood; and they were generally on friendly terms with a disreputable gang of Mexican and Amer- ican traders, through whom they carried on a profitable trade in stolen articles, including women and children captured in the Sonora towns, they being sometimes at peace with Chihuahua, and drawing regular supplies at Janos. The pueblo Indians were peaceable and
5; Amer. Quar. Register, iv. 54-60; v. 9-31, 86-7, 537-9; North Amer. Review, Ixxi. 221-51; Lossing's Hist. U. S., 499; Cluskey's Pol. Text-book, 117-19.
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MILITARY RULE IN NEW MEXICO.
well disposed toward the Americans, but their status involved many perplexing problems to be solved under conditions that were far from favorable.
James S. Calhoun arrived at Santa Fé in July 1849, with a commission as Indian agent for the ter- ritory. He seems to have been a zealous and intelli- gent official, who, while he could do little toward putting an end to the depredations of savages, per- formed well his duty of reporting to the government the exact state of affairs, and the measures and means required for the country's protection. His correspond- ence of 1849-51 contains a large amount of valuable information respecting the numbers and disposition of the different tribes, advice as to the appointment of subagents and stationing of garrisons, earnest appeals on the most urgent necessity of immediately increasing the military force, and a mention of many events of Indian warfare.27 Besides Calhoun's correspondence,
27 Calhoun's Reports of an Indian agent at Sta Fe, 1849-51. The corresp. of 1849 is found in 31st cong. Ist sess., H. Ex. Doc. 17, p. 191-228; that of 1849-50, in 31st cong. 2d sess., Sen. Ex. Doc. ], p. 125-43, and that of 1850-1, in 32d cong. Ist sess., H. Ex. Doc. 2, p. 448-67. These references also include Calhoun's instructions, etc., and a few communications from other men on Ind. affairs. He was appointed April 7, 1849, at a salary of $1,500, the whole expense of the agency not to exceed $3,800. Gov. Bent's report of 1846 was furnished as a sort of base on which to build up informa- tion. He arrived at Sta Fé July 22d. In his report of Oct. 4th he gives the Pueblo population as 6,524 above 5 years of age, not including the Moquis, as per census of 1847; and in this and other reports he dwells on the importance of protecting and improving these superior natives, both as a matter of justice and of policy. The Pueblos, by reason of their thrift, were favorite victims of the savage raids. Oct. 5th, Bent's Fort has been burned by the owners; Ind. more troublesome than ever; 'this whole country requires a thorough purging, which can be accomplished only by a thorough exploration of every hole and corner in it ... Military roads should be opened, and posts and depots established.' Oct. 13th, 'But a short time since a band said to be commanded by an Englishman, well known in Sta Fé, ordered, in the name of the U. S., the pueblo of Laguna to furnish them with 25 horses and to call upon the quartermaster in Sta Fé for payment. The order was promptly obeyed, and the Ind. do not yet understand the contrivance by which they lost their horses.' Oct. 15th, the Zunis are confident of their ability to form a combination of Pueblos which can defeat the Navajos and Apaches if arms are furnished by U. S., and especially if the operations of the roving traders, who sell arms and circulate false reports, etc., can be stopped. Calhoun has much to say of the harm done by these traders who are never molested by the savages; and he thinks there is a class of Mexican citizens, including some priests, who stir up trouble deliberately with a view of keeping Ameri- can settlers out of the country. Difficulties arising from the fact that the Apaches live on both sides of the Mex. boundary are also noted. 'Expend your million now, if necessary, that you may avoid the expenditure of millions
461
TYPICAL WARFARE.
the records on this subject, if far from complete, are somewhat voluminous, and not without interest; but it is almost impossible to make any adequate use of them here, since I have no space for a chronologic catalogue of depredations and resulting campaigns. Indeed, the history of Indian warfare in these coun- tries for centuries is made up of items, for all of which one record might almost suffice if blanks were left to be filled in with dates, names, and localities. Watch- ing for an opportunity, the savages attack some rancho or settlement, kill few or many of the inhabitants, according to the resistance offered, and run off as many stolen animals as possible. The alarm is given at the nearest post, and a party of regulars, generally reën- forced by volunteers, sets out in pursuit. Often the savages cannot be overtaken before the horses of the pursuers are worn out or their supplies exhausted. If overtaken, they lose part or all of their plunder, and generally a few lives; but they also kill a few soldiers, and charge the difference to profit and loss, hoping for better luck next time. Occasionally, by a combined movement of troops, or a rapid succession of move-
hereafter.' The Ind. should be confined to certain limits, and made to realize the strength of the U. S. If allowed to roam, they will never keep their treaty promises. Agencies should be established at Taos, to include the Yutas, at Zuñi for the Navajos, and at Socorro to look after Apaches and Comanches. For a year, at least, there should be a subagent in every pueblo. Nov. 17th, suggestions on amendments of the act of congress on trade, etc., with Ind. March 29, 1850, explanation of a map showing Ind. tribes and pueblos. March 30th, plans and financial estimates. March 31st, four re- turned captives and their stories. In Oct. the Moquis sent a deputation to learn the views and purposes of the govt toward them, complain of Navajo depredations, claim that their pueblo of Oraibe can turn 100 warriors. In the autumn of 1850 the savages were somewhat less troublesome, but in the spring of 1851 were worse than ever. The losses of live-stock in Sta Ana and Bernalillo counties in 1846-50, exclusive of govt animals, are given as 150,231 sheep, 893 horses, 761 mules and asses, and 1,234 cows. (In Bartlett's Pers. Narr., ii. 386, the total losses in 1846-50 are given as 453,293 sheep, 12,887 mules, 7,050 horses, and 31,581 cattle. See also 35th cong. Ist sess., H. Ex. Doc. 123.) There is much complaint from natives respecting the in- efficient manner in which the troops pursue the raiders. In 1851 Calhoun was governor, but continued to report many details of Ind. affairs, and on Aug. 31st writes: 'Without a dollar in our territorial treasury, without munitions of war, without authority to call out our militia, without the co- operation of the military authorities of this territory, and with numberless complaints and calls for protection, do you not perceive I must be sadly em- barrassed and disquieted ?'
462
MILITARY RULE IN NEW MEXICO.
ments in some particular direction, a tribe is forced to make a treaty, which is observed as long as the inter- est of the Indians seems to require it. It must be added that outrage and bad faith were by no means confined to the Indians; but were frequent on both sides, so far as individuals and small parties were con- cerned, neither side having to go far back for plausible pretexts. The Americans had better arms than the Mexicans of earlier times, and there was less red tape in the fitting-out of their expeditions; but for some years they had less experience in this kind of warfare, their movements were slower and more in accordance with military rules, they did not know the country so well, and their general success, as compared with that of their predecessors, was not remarkable.28
28 Washington's Reports, 1849, 31st cong. Ist sess., H. Ex. Doc. 5, p. 104 -14, give many items. On May 30th the Apaches killed 10 persons in Abi- quiú valley, and Capt. Chapman pursuing killed 20, losing two. Also Id., pt i., p. 91, 93-4, rept of sec. war; Id., pt iii., p. 951-4, 994-1102; Id., acts and resol., 222-9. A campaign of Maj. Steen in July is described in Rodenbough's Everglade to Cañon with the 2d Dragoons, 163-4. Some items of 1848 in Niles' Reg., lxxiv. 68, 224, 251; lxxv. 340. Inspector-general Geo. A. McCall's Letters from the Frontiers, Phil., 1868, p. 490 et seq., contains two very valuable reports of July and Dec. 1850 on the general condition of the country, in- cluding much information respecting the Indians, and the best methods of controlling them. The author believes that the future prosperity of N. Mex. 'will depend in great measure on the impression now to be made on these Indians. It may be apprehended that if they are not in the beginning im- pressed with the ability and the settled purpose of the U. S. to chastise those who plunder and murder its citizens, if acts of this kind, now of almost monthly occurrence, and utterly beyond the power of the present military force to check, are continued longer unpunished, the Ind. will hold us in the contempt with which they now look upon the Mexicans, whom they have wantonly robbed and murdered for two centuries. And the inevitable conse- quences will be sooner or later a war with the surrounding tribes.' Toward the Pueblos, 10,000 in number, a mild and conciliatory and helpful policy should be shown, to inspire them with confidence and make them friends and allies. The Navajos, 10,800, the richest of all and most civilized, except the Moquis, might probably by a strong military force in their country, to show that a treaty is something more than idle talk, be induced to settle perma- nently like the Pueblos, and thus in time be controlled, in which case they would be invaluable as allies. The Moquis, thought to number 2,450, are friendly, and their friendship should be cultivated in every way. The Yutas, 4,00) or 5,000, do not extend their raids far south, though they often aid the Jicarilla Apaches. They might easily be held in check if the Navajos were friendly. The Comanches, over 12,000, rarely commit depredations in N. Mex., but join the Apaches in raids for live-stock and captives in Chihuahua, also trading their plunder with N. Mexicans. The Apaches, some 4,000 ex- clusive of the Gila bands, seem to be incorrigible robbers, and have no other means of living. Possibly they may be improved, but it will take time, and at first they must be fed while some scheme is being devised and put in prac- tice. The least force that can suffice for the present protection of the country
463
NAVAJO CAMPAIGNS.
Colonel Doniphan's treaty with the Navajos in 1846, a treaty which had no effect whatever, has been noted in the preceding chapter. Colonel Newby made a similar expedition and treaty in 1848.29 In 1849 Major Washington repeated the operation, starting from Jemes on August 22d with 350 men, and being accompanied by Indian-agent Calhoun. On the 30th at Tunicha several hundred Navajos were met who professed a willingness to submit to the United States, attributing recent depredations to bad and uncontrol- lable men of their tribe. They gave up some animals and began the negotiation of a treaty; but there was a dispute about a horse, and when Washington ordered its seizure the Indians ran away and were fired at, los- ing several men, including their great chief Narbona. On the 6th of September the army reached the Chelly Cañon, where on the 9th a treaty of 'lasting peace' was signed. The Indians gave up three captives and some property, agreeing to surrender the rest at Jemes a month later. The return march was by way of Zuñi, Laguna, and Alburquerque. The Navajos, it is need- less to add, did not appear at Jemes as agreed, but they had a good excuse, having been informed, as they said, by Mexican traders-after they had col- lected the plunder and set out for the rendezvous- that the Americans were coming to attack them.30 Among the most notable of Indian outrages was the killing of White and party of seven or eight at Point of Rocks on the way from the states to Santa Fe, in
is 2,200 men, of whom at least 1,400 should be mounted. Stations are sug- gested for the detachments, including 450 men in the Navajo country, 450 among the eastern Apaches, and 300 on the Gila. See also on Ind. affairs of 1850, reports of sec. int. and com. ind, affairs in 31st cong. 2d sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, p. 28-30, 423; Id., pt ii. 67-75, 292-300; Id., Sen. Doc. 26, p. 5, 10- 19; 36th cong. Ist sess., Sen. Mis. Doc. 45; Hayes' Scraps, Ind., iii. no. 45, 47; iv. 14-16; v. 5-6, 10-14; Brackett's U. S. Cav., 127-8; and Cremony's Life among the Apaches, passim. This author spent some 6 months at the Copper mine near the Gila, with the boundary commission.
29 Ind. Aff. Rept, 1858, p. 188.
30 Washington's Reports, 111-15, including the treaty; Calhoun's Reports, 202-10; and especially Simpson's Journal. In the Ind. Aff. Rept, 1858, p. 188, it is stated that after this treaty the Navajos reached the settlements before the soldiers, and stole mules almost in sight of the Sta Fé flag-staff.
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MILITARY RULE IN NEW MEXICO.
October 1849. Mrs White and daughter of ten years were at first spared by the Apaches, but the former was soon killed. Calhoun made every possible effort, and congress voted $1,500, to effect the girl's rescue, but without success. 31
The annals of New Mexico in the early years of American occupation would not be complete without mention of the geographical and other scientific in- formation about the country acquired and published at this period-or rather of the various explorations by which this information was gained and of the books where it may be found, for obviously my space will permit nothing more. A. Wislizenus left Inde- pendence in May 1846, with Speyer's trading caravan, and from Santa Fe went to El Paso and Chihuahua, finally joining Doniphan's army as physician. His tour was mainly scientific in its purposes, and the re- sulting memoir contains a considerable amount of original and valuable data on New Mexico as well as the regions farther south.32 In all the narratives that have been cited on the conquest and following events, there is more or less matter of a descriptive nature, but particularly in Emory's diary of the march from Fort Leavenworth by Bent's Fort to Santa Fé and thence down the Rio Grande and to California by the Gila.33 Captain Abraham R. Johnston's printed journal also covered the march from Santa Fé to the California frontier. 34 Philip St George Cooke de- scribed the march to Santa Fé and the later one to
31 Calhoun's Repts, 226; McCall's Letters, 493-4; U. S. Govt Doc., 31st cong. 2d sess., H. Ex. Doc. 1, p. 29-30, 42-3.
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