USA > Arizona > History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, Volume XVII > Part 35
USA > New Mexico > History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, Volume XVII > Part 35
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314
A MEXICAN TERRITORY.
Of events in their order from year to year, there are but few which require more extended notice than is given in the appended summary, or chronologie list.7
partially organize the three companies. El Tiempo, Sept. 28, 1834. Gov. Perez, in 1835, brought money and arms. Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., i. 166; Arri- llaga, Recop., 1835, p. 23-4. Support of powder manufactory in N. Mex. Id., Jan .- June 1836, p. 404-5. Law of April 22, 1839, establishing a coman- dancia gen. Id., 1839, p. 104-5; Vallejo, Doc. Hist. Mex., i. 179; Mex., Col. Leyes y Dec., 1839, p. 129. A presidial comp. at Vado in 1841. Arch. Sta Fé, MS. Some vague records of the regular and militia companies 1843-5, in Mex., Mem. Guerra, 1844, docs. 3, 22-3; Id., 1845, docs. 1, 4, 6, 8; Id., 1846, doc. 11, 15-16. In 1845 Col Rafael Archuleta is named as comandante militar. S. Miguel, Rep. Mex., 85.
7 1823. Vizcarra, Chavez, and Vaca, gov. Treaty of peace with the Navajos.
1824. Vaca, gov. N. Mexico a province of the Estado del Norte, and a territory from July. Beginning of the regular Sta Fé trade and first use of wagons. U. S. overtures to N. Mexico, according to Ritch. Pattie's visit.
1825. Vaca and Narbona, gov. Survey of a U. S. road for the Sta Fé trade begun. Navajos again troublesome.
1826. Narbona, gov. Mexican decree for increase of military force.
1827. Narbona and Armijo, gov.
1828. Armijo, Vizcarra, and Chavez, gov. Under the Mex. law expelling Spaniards, according to Prince, all the friars were forced to depart, except two, Albino and Castro, who, by reason of their extreme age, and by the payment of $500 each, were permitted to remain. In Niles' Reg., xxxvii. 230, it is recorded that many of the expelled Spaniards came to the U. S. with the Sta Fé caravans of 1828-9. Discovery of the 'old' gold placers.
1829. Chavez, gov. Proposition of John D. Bradburn to navigate the Rio Grande and colonize N. Mex. declined by Mex. govt. Bustamante, Voz de la Patria, i. no. 7, p. 9-10. Bent's fort on the Arkansas built.
1830. Chavez, gov. New decree for the establishment of a bishopric, but nothing done. Communication with California opened by Vaca and Ewing Young.
1831. Chavez and Abreu, gov. Wolfskill, Jackson, and Young visit Cal.
1832. Abreu, gov. Publication of the Ojeada sobre Nuevo-Mexico. Que da una idea de sus producciones naturales, y de algunas otras cosas que se con- sideran oportunas para mejorar su estado, é ir proporcionando su futura felicidad. Formada por el Lic. Antonio Barreiro, asesor de dicho territorio. A peticion del escmo. señor ministro que fue de justicia Don José Ignacio Espinosa. Y dedicada al escmo. señor vice-presidente de los Estados Unidos Mexicanos Don Anastacio Bustamante. Puebla, 1832, 8vo, 42 p., 21., 10 p. This somewhat merito- rious little work was also embodied in a later edition of Pino's Noticias His- tóricas. Fr. Juan Felipe Ortiz, vicar-general of N. Mexico.
1833. Sarracino, gov. Visit of the bishop of Durango, whose reception is described by Prince as very enthusiastic.
1834. Sarracino and Ortiz, gov. Grand demonstration of civil and mili- tary authorities on Aug. Ist in favor of Santa Anna and the pronunciamiento of Cuernavaca. El Tiempo, Sept. 28, 1834.
1835. Serracino, Chavez, and Perez, gov. First newspaper of N. Mexico, El Crepúsculo, published at Taos by Padre Martinez for four weeks. Found- ing of Las Vegas. Mora grant. War with the Navajos.
1836. Perez, gov. Under the new central system N. Mexico was to be a department, and the ruler a governor instead of political chief.
1837. Perez, Gonzalez, and Muñoz, gov. Revolution, as narrated else- where in this chapter. Fatal typhoid epidemic, which, with the following small-pox, according to Gregg, carried off one tenth of the inhabitants in 1840. Custom-house opened at Taos.
315
INDIAN AFFAIRS.
Troubles with the Indians were not very serious or frequent, so far as can be determined from scanty and indefinite records, the most startling occurrences in this connection resting on authority that is somewhat doubtful. The system of treaties and bribes was still in vogue, and, as a rule, the tribes found it to their interest to be nominally at peace. Still, the Navajos made trouble occasionally, and one band or another of the Apaches was generally on the war-path. There are but few items of interest or value in the record of Indian affairs for this period, though it is probable that local and personal details, if known, would fur- nish material for many an episode of adventure.8
1838. Armijo, gov. to 1844. Trouble between the Americans and gov. in 1838-9 on account of the murder of a man named Daley. Kendall's Nar., i. 352-3.
1839. N. Mexico made a separate comandancia general. Discovery of the 'new ' gold placers.
1840. Foreigners in trouble on account of the 'accidental' murder of a Mexican. Kendall, i. 353.
1841. Sandoval, acting gov. Texan Santa Fé invasion of 1841-2, as else- where recorded.
1842. Settlement of La Junta. Treaty with Mescalero Apaches.
1843-5. Continued troubles with the Texans.
1844. Martinez, acting gov. Destructive fire at Sta Fé. Defensor de la Integridad Nacional, Sept. 25th.
1845. Chavez and Armijo, gov. Pronunciamiento of the gov. in favor of Santa Anna. Amigo del Pueblo, Aug. 19th, p. 99.
1846. Armijo and Vigil, gov. Occupation of N. Mexico by the U. S.
8 1823. Indians constantly making raids. Mex., Mem. Rel., 1823, p. 57. Treaty made by Gov. Vizcarra in Feb. with Navajos, who restored captives, but claimed to be dying of hunger and unable to pay for past robberies. They were given 4 months to decide about conversion and settlement. Arch. Sta Fé, MS. More threatened dangers in Aug. 1825, but averted by the gov- ernor's activity. Mex., Mem. Rel., 1826, p. 10. Steck, in Ind. Aff. Rept, 1863, p. 109-10, and Thummel, Mexiko, 349-50, tell us that with the independence the Mexicans became cruel and faithless, and the Ind. consequently hostile after a long peace. Once a party of Navajos invited to Cochití to make peace were massacred. Bartlett, Pers. Narr., i. 174, says that in an amphitheatre in the Waco mts 150 Apaches were surprised and put to death. Nidever, Life and Adven., MS., 33, who was in N. Mex. in 1830, says the Arapahoes made frequent raids and never spared a Mexican. By Cooke, Conq. N. Mex. and Cal., 48, we are told that Span. protection of the Navajos having ceased about 1832, they later suffered much from attacks of other tribes. Pattie, Pers. Narr., passim, has much to say of Ind. hostilities against the Mexicans during his residence and wanderings of several years in N. Mex. 1832. Jicarillas peaceful since they were driven by Comanches from their old strong- holds. Escudero, Not. Chih., 227. Comanches allies of the Mexicans in 1833. Id., 229-30. Lipanes long friendly, but bitter foes of the Comanches. Id., 226. 1835. Comanches faithful; Apaches committing murders in the Socorro region. Arch. Sta Fé, MS. Gregg, Com. Prairies, i. 288-9, and Thümmel, Mex., 350-1, narrate that late in 1835, in a campaign against the Navajos, the
316
A MEXICAN TERRITORY.
In 1837-8 New Mexico had its revolutionary move- ment, corresponding in many respects with Alvarado's revolt of 1836-7 in California. It was nominally, and to a slight extent really, a rising against central- ism and the new constitution of Mexico; that is, direct taxation-unknown in the territory under the jefes políticos, but introduced in the department by the governor-caused much popular discontent, afford- ing at least a pretext for revolt. Several other mo- tives, however, were in the aggregate more potent, though in the absence of original contemporary evi- dence it is not possible to ascertain their relative importance. Thus, there is said to have existed a prejudice against Governor Perez, an excellent man, because he was a stranger sent from Mexico, and not a native or old resident like most rulers of earlier years. Some of his special acts besides the imposition of taxes created discontent.º Manuel Armijo, for- merly governor, moved chiefly by ambition, but also by dissatisfaction at having been removed from his place as custom-house officer, is accused by Gregg and Kendall of having secretly fomented the revolt, which he hoped to control, and which by a counter-pronun- ciamiento he finally turned to his own advantage.10
Mexicans were ambushed and defeated, Capt. Hinojos being one of the killed. It was one of H.'s sergeants who opened a keg of powder with a red hot poker. Roberts, With the Invader, 40-1, notes Starvation Peak, between Las Vegas and Sta Fé, as a spot where the Mexicans in 1837, being invited to a council without arms, were treacherously attacked, and the survivors starved to death. In 1839 an Apache chief came to El Paso to demand the release of his wife and other captives, which was promised; but the gov. summoned troops, who killed the chief and 20 of his men, but not before the chief had slain the gov. Gregg, i. 297-8. 1840-1. Navajos still hostile; two exped. sent out by the com. gen. Mex., Mem. Guerra, 1841, p. 36. 1842. Com. Gen. Armijo reports the Mescalero Apaches as desiring to make a treaty, on condi- tion of receiving $5,000 a year and monthly rations. A. approves the terms. Pinart, Doc. Hist. Chih., MS., ii. 32; Voto de Sonora, April 15, 1842.
9 According to Davis and Prince the revenue officials were arrested for peculation in 1836, and brought to trial before the district court. Two of the judges, Abreu and Nafero, were accused as accomplices, and not allowed to sit, but the other judge, Juan Estevan Pino, found the accused guilty, whereupon Gov. Perez took the case out of court and restored the adminis- trador de rentas to his place, which had been temporarily filled by Manuel Armijo.
1º Juan Estévan Pino and Juan Rafael Ortiz were his leading associates in the plot, as Davis says. Gregg claims to have heard Armijo's own brother intimate that A. hoped to be made gov. by the rebels.
317
THE REVOLUTION OF 1837-8.
Again, it was believed by the Mexicans, and not altogether without reason, as I suspect, that the re- volt was 'another Texan affair,' instigated more or less directly by the Americans, with a view of foment- ing, by revolutionary troubles, the discontent already believed to be prevalent among New Mexicans.11
On the 1st of August a mob released an alcalde of a northern town, who had been imprisoned on some unpopular charge,12 this serving as a beginning of the insurrection ; and a great crowd, largely composed of pueblo Indians, soon assembled at La Cañada, where, on the 3d, the rebel 'plan' was issued, the only tangi- ble part of which was 'not to admit the departmental plan,' and 'not to admit any tax,' three out of five articles being devoted to platitudes on God, country, and liberty, including, as a matter of course, the resolve to 'spill every drop of blood' in the sacred cause. 13 Governor Perez, with all the force he could raise, about 150 militia, including the friendly warriors of San Juan and Santo Domingo-the whereabouts of the presidial company not appearing-marched north- ward and met the foe at the mesa of San Ildefonso; but most of his men passed over to the rebels, and he was obliged to flee with about 25 companions, return- ing first to Santa Fé, but soon abandoning the capital. Within a few days, and at different points, the party
11 Bustamante says: 'La causa de la revolucion la habia da lo la entrada de una porcíon de carros del Norte-América que trajeron muchas mercade- rías, cuyos derechos no querian pagar los anglo-americanos, y tratando de estrecharlos á la exhibicion el gobernador, le suscitaron el alzamiento.' This was probably not true of the traders. Gregg tells us that they even furnished means for quelling the revolt. He also says: 'Some time before these tragic events took place, it was prophesied among them [the pueblo Indians] that a new race was about to appear from the east, to redeem them from the Spanish yoke. I heard this spoken of several months before the subject of the insur- rection had been seriously agitated. It is probable that the pueblos built their hopes upon the Americans, as they seemel as yet to have no knowledge of the Texans.' He also says the rebels proposed sending to Texas for pro- tection, though there had been no previous understanding. While there is no documentary proof, it is wellnigh impossible, considering the date and cir- cumstances, to believe that the Texans had no influence directly or indirectly in the affair.
12 The alcalde was arrested at the governor's orders by Ramon Abreu, who is called prefect.
13 Davis gives a translation from an original MS. copy in his possession.
318
A MEXICAN TERRITORY.
breaking up for self-preservation, the governor and a dozen or more of his associates were killed, the head of Perez being carried as a trophy to the insurgent headquarters, and the bodies of Santiago Abreu and others being barbarously mutilated.14
It was on August 9th or 10th that the rebels took possession of Santa Fé, where they committed no ex- cesses beyond confiscating the property of the victims; and having elected as governor José Gonzalez, a pueblo Indian of Taos, they for the most part dis- banded. Gonzalez summoned an assembly of alcaldes and influential citizens from the north, which body on the 27th confirmed all that had been done.15 Now Manuel Armijo, formerly jefe político and customs officer, either as a part of his original plot, or perhaps disappointed because Gonzalez was preferred to him- self as rebel governor, or possibly moved by patriotic devotion to the legitimate government-for the exact truth eludes all search-' pronounced ' at Tomé, the 8th of September, raised a force with the aid of Curate Madariaga, and marched to the capital to 'suffocate the rebellion.' Gonzalez retired up the river, and Armijo had little difficulty in making himself recog- nized as acting governor and commandant-general. Possibly, also, he marched north and induced the rebels to submit to his authority and give up the leaders of the movement.16 At any rate, he reported
14 Those named as killed, all on or before Aug. 9th, were Col Albino Perez, gov .; Santiago Abreu, chief justice and ex-gov .; Jesus María Alarid, sec. state; Ramon Abreu, prefect of Rio Arriba; lieut. Miguel Serna, Joaquin Hurtado, and Madrigal; Sergt. Diego Sais, or Saenz; Marcelino Abreu, Loreto Romero, Escoto, and Ortega.
15 Ritch tells us that 'according to the original MS. of the proceedings, a committee was appointed to prepare an address, and to proceed in person to present the same to the supreme govt. In the mean time, as resolved, all were to yield obedience to Gov. Gonzalez until such time as the com. could report.' Armijo was a member of this committee.
16 So says Bustamante, who seems to follow Armijo's reports, as published in the Diario del Gobierno. Thus A. claimed to have prevented the 'pérdida total' of the country, since the rebels had resolved to join the savage tribes against the province. Most writers imply that he was recognized only at Sta Fé, the rebels keeping up their organization in the north. Davis, how- ever, says the rebels were 'kept in a state of comparative peace by the au- thorities, under the pretext of desiring to treat with them' until the troops arrived; and Miller tells us that A. marched on Sept. 13th against Gonzalez
319
THE TEXAN SANTA FÉ EXPEDITION.
his patriotic achievement to the Mexican government, and asked for reenforcements. These, to the number of 300 or more, of the Escuadron de Vera Cruz and presidial troops of Chihuahua, under Colonel Justini- ani, arrived before the end of the year. The rebels had again assembled at or near La Cañada, and were defeated in battle on January 27, 1838. Gonzalez and several of his associates were captured and shot. Armijo, in recognition of his services, was given the rank of colonel, and confirmed for eight years in his assumed positions of governor and comandante gen- eral.17
Besides the revolution of 1837, the only notable event of New Mexican history in this period, though one that in most of its phases belongs properly to the annals of another territory,18 was the capture of the Texan Santa Fé expedition of 1841. Hitherto there had been little or no direct intercourse between the New Mexicans and their neighbors of the adjoining
and his lieut .- gov., Antonio Domingo Lopez, at Pujuaque, inducing them through the influence of a priest to negotiate for peace, but finally insisting on an unconditional surrender. But Miller speaks of no later troubles.
17 Bustamante gives most particulars of the battle, or rather of the two battles, the first at the Pujuaque pass, and the other nearer Cañada. The troops numbered 582, Justiniani giving the chief command to Armijo. Four dragoons were killed and others wounded in an ambush. The rebels were over 1,300, and lost 20 killed, many wounded, and 8 prisoners. Antonio Vigil, their commander, was killed in the Ist fight. Davis says that Gonzalez, the brothers Desiderio and Antonio A. Montoya, and Alcalde Esquibel were shot by sentence of a court-martial at Sta Fé. Others imply that there was no formal trial. Gregg and others accuse Armijo of cowardice in the fight, at- tributing the victory to Capt. Muñoz, of the Vera Cruz troops. Miller men- tions no fight; but says Gonzalez, with Lopez, his second in command, was hanged at Sta Cruz on Jan. 25th. Prince tells us that the Montoyas, Esqui- bel, and Gen. 'Chopon' were shot near the garita in Sta Fé; Juan Antonio Vigil 'executed ' near Cuyamanque; and Gonzalez killed by the immediate command of Armijo.
Bustamante, Gabinete, Mex., i. 33-6, gives a narrative in 1842, founded mainly on Armijo's report published in the Diario del Gobierno, Nov. 30, 1837. Gregg, Com. of the Prairies, i., writing in 1844, was at Sta Fé during the re- volt. Kendall, Narr. Texan Santa Fe Exped., i. 348-51, also of 1844, includes an account of the revolt in a very abusive biog. sketch of Armijo. Davis, El Gringo, 86-92, as we have seen, claims to have had a copy of the rebel plan, and his account is as complete as any. Ritch, Aztlan, 248, also alludes to a MS. record of the assembly at Sta Fé. Later narratives are those of Miller, Hist. Sketch of Sta Fé, 22-4, and Prince, Hist. Sketches, 285-9. There is a notable absence of original documentary evidence.
18 See Hist. North Mex. St. and Texas, vol. ii.
320
A MEXICAN TERRITORY.
but distant Texas; yet the comparative success of the eastern rebels was not unknown to the less fortunate agitators of the west. Texan influences, probably not inactive in the troubles of 1837-8, had certainly been potent in fomenting later discontent. Santa Fé traders from the United States seem as a class to have feared a revolution, which might for a time imperil their commercial interests; but among them, especially those who had become residents, there was an element fully in sympathy with the filibusters. These sympa- thizers reported that the New Mexicans awaited only an opportunity to rise and declare their independence, and that even the authorities were not disposed to offer much resistance.19
Besides crediting these exaggerated reports, the Texans had a theory, without foundation in fact or justice, that their territory extended to the Rio Grande, and that it was therefore their duty to release from tyranny all inhabitants of that territory, including, of course, the New Mexicans living east of the river. They had, moreover, a strong desire to divert through Texan channels the Santa Fe trade that had proved so lucrative to merchants of the United States. Under these circumstances, in the spring of 1841 President Lamar fitted out an expedition of about 300 men, in six companies, under the command of Hugh McLeod as brevet brigadier-general. Three commissioners were sent to establish Texan authority in the west, well provided with proclamations explaining the ad- vantages of the proffered freedom; and a number of traders and travellers joined the expedition in quest of gain or adventure, some of them possibly not fully understanding its real purpose.2 20 It was not proposed
19 In Niles' Reg., Ixi. 61, 100, is a letter from Sta Fé, which represents all the pueblo Indians and Americans, with two thirds of the Mexicans, as anxious for the Texans to come. The gov. tells the writer that he neither can nor will resist. That such reports were circulated and believed in Texas and the U. S. is shown by the general tenor of all records of the period.
20 The commissioners were Wm G. Cooke, Jose Antonio Navarro, and Richard F. Brenham. The captains were Wm P. Lewis, J. S. Sutton, W. D. Houghton, Ratcliff Hudson, Matthew Caldwell, and J. H. Strain. The pur- port of the proclamation, according to Kendall, was ' that the exped. was sent
321
INVASION BY TEXANS.
exactly-at least, such was the explanation offered later-to undertake with 300 men the conquest of New Mexico against the will of the inhabitants; but if the people were found not favoring or ready for re- volt the expedition would be content with trade, and would retire to await a more favorable opportunity. This, however, has no real bearing on the character of the party. They were simply armed invaders, who might expect to be attacked, and if defeated, to be treated by the Mexicans as rebels, or at best- since Texan belligerency and independence had been recog- nized by several nations-as prisoners of war. They left Austin in June, and in September, after a tedious march by the worst routes over an unknown country, they arrived ragged, worn out, and half starved on the New Mexican frontier.
Meanwhile, the Mexican authorities had long ex- pected an invasion from Texas, and special warnings, with promise of reinforcements, had recently been re- ceived from the national capital. While there was no lack of disaffection in certain quarters, the masses of the people were far from ready to accept the so-called freedom offered by filibusters, and the rulers still fur- ther from any intention to permit a change of govern- ment. Every possible effort, on the contrary, was made to prepare for defence, and to foment the current popular idea of the Texans as valiant but reckless des- peradoes, from whom might be expected, not liberty, but pillage, murder, and outrage. All foreigners were closely watched, and several were arrested on suspi- cion of complicity in schemes of invasion.21 Satisfied
for the purpose of trading, and that if the inhabitants were not disposed to join peacefully the Texan standard, the exped. was to retire immediately (!). These procl. were printed in both Spanish and English, and not a doubt ex- isted that the liberal terms offered would be at once acceded to by a popula- tion living within the limits of Texas, and who had long been groaning under a misrule the most tyrannical.' Narr., 270. See also 365-7.
21 According to an account followed by Bustamante, 'En julio de 1839 los estrangeros del Norte en Sta Fé, so pretesto de pedir justicia atentaron des- caradamente contra el gobierno, de quien exigian por la fuerza de las armas que se fusilaron por el mismo gobernador, ó se les entregasen unos reos que en 1837 mataron á un estrangero, Regentaban este atentado Guillermo Driden y Santiago Querque [James Kirker] que comandaba una gavilla de HIST. ARIZ. AND N. MEX. 21
322
A MEXICAN TERRITORY.
that danger was near, Governor Armijo sent south- ward an appeal for aid, ordered a close watch of for- eigners, who were forbidden to leave their places of residence, and sent Captain Dámaso Salazar to recon- noitre the eastern frontier. On September 4th Sala- zar sent in as captives three men, who were regarded as spies from the invading army. They were forbid- den to leave the capital, but escaped a week later, and on being recaptured, were put to death.22 On the
15th a Mexican named Carlos and an Italian, Brig- noli, who had been with the Texans in August, were found, and induced to tell what they knew of the inva- sion. Meanwhile, every effort had been made for ef- fective defence; the rurales, or militia, called into service and sent to the frontier under Lieutenant- colonel Juan Andrés Archuleta; Prefect Antonio Sandoval summoned to the capital to act as governor ; while Armijo set out on the 16th with the presidial troops. On the same day five men, sent on in advance of the foremost division of Texans, were captured, disarmed, and put in jail at San Miguel del Vado.23 Next day Colonel Cooke and Captain Sutton, with 94 Texans, surrendered to Armijo and Salazar at Anton Chico. The governor established his head- quarters at Las Vegas, distributed among the captors
indios sahuanos; mas se resistió á ello el gobernador. Desde aquella época hasta último de agosto de 1841 se suscitaron conspiraciones por diferentes puntos del departamento contra el gobierno, y si en todas no han sido los es- trangeros los principales motores, á lo ménos han tenido parte. La de agosto la dirigia el Americano Julian Werkeman, a quien los Tejanos tenian apode- rado en este departamento, con el solo objeto de que formara la revolucion, para lo que vino desde Taos á Sta Fé, acompañados de otros paisanos suyos decididos á asesinar al gobernador Armijo.' Gregg also mentions the act of the Americans, though not admitting that it had any political aspect. Ken- dall notes the arrest of Thomas Rowland. Suspicions against Workman and John Rowland in this connection had something to do with their migration to Cal. in 1841. Kirker, named above, died in Cal. about 1853. Dryden was a prisoner in Chih. in 1841-2. B. D. Wilson, Observations, MS., who had lived in N. Mex. since 1833, tells us that not only Rowland and Workman, but about 20 more, including bimself, joined the Cal. party because, on account of Texan complications, they did not deem it safe to remain.
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