USA > Arizona > History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, Volume XVII > Part 17
USA > New Mexico > History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, Volume XVII > Part 17
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Fr. Juan Claros, prov. of the Chiguas, or Tiguas, and pueblos of Napeya and Tuchiamas, and that of Pura with the 4 ' consecutive ' down the river, that of Poxen, Puaray (S. Antonio), Trimati, Guayotrí, Acacafui, Henicohio, Vareato 'with all its subjects to Puaray up and down the Rio del Norte' (?); also the prov. of Xalay, the prov. of Mohoqui (?), and the prov. of the Atripuy down the river with its pueblos which are Preguey, Tuzahe, Aponitre, Vu- mahein, Quiápo, Trelaquepú, Cunquilipinoy, Calciati, Aquicato, Encaquiagual- caca, Quialpo, Trelagú, Pesquis, Ayquí, Yancomo, Teyaxa, Qualacú (2d pueblo coming from s., acc. to Ytin.), Texa, Amo, on 'this side ' [west ?] of the river; and on the other, Pencoana, Quiomaquí, Peixoloe, Zumaque, Teey- traan, Preguey [see above, repeated], Canocan, Peytre, Qui-Ubaco, Tohol, Cantensapué, Tercao, Poloocá, Treyéy, Queelquelú, Atepíra, Trula, Treypual, Tecahanqualabámo, Pilopué, Penjeacú, Teypamá (Teipana, or Socorro, 3 1. above Qualacú), and Trenaquel ' de la mesilla' which is the Ist pueblo coming from Mexico. (Which of these were the ones called Nueva Sevilla and S. Juan Bautista in the Ytin. does not appear.) In the Obed. of July 7th the Chigua pueblos named are Paniete, Piaqui, Axoytre, Piamato, Quioyaco, and Camitre, or at least these were under the captain of the Chiguas. [Niza's Totonteac may possibly have been the Tigua prov. Coronado wintered i:1 Tiguex, Tihuex, or Tihueq, a prov. of 12 or 15 pueblos; and visited Tutahaco, a prov. of 8 pueblos down the river in the Isleta region; also 4 towns in the Socorro region not named, which were also mentioned without being named by Rodriguez and Espejo. R.'s visit Ist shows the name Puaray or Puara; and E. names the pueblo of Puara, Puala, or Poalas, one of 16 in the prov. of Tiguas. It is not probable that a single one of these 6) pueblos of the south- ern section of the Rio Grande valley is still standing, though there are a few of later origin].
136
OÑATE'S CONQUEST CONTINUED.
have no doubt that the number of pueblos, about 170, is greatly exaggerated through a confounding of names pertaining to towns, tribes, and chieftains.
Fr. Juan de Rosas, prov. of the Cheres, or Cherechos (Hores) [Queres. The name Querechos is applied by Coronado and Espejo to wild tribes in the east and west] with the pueblos of the Castixes, or S. Felipe and Comitre, Sto Domingo or Guipui, Alipoti, Chochiti or Cochití; that of the Ciénega de Carabajal; S. Marcos, S. Cristóbal, Sta Ana, Ojana, Quipaua, del Puerto, and Pueblo Quemado. In the Obed. of July 7th are also named Tamy, Acogiya, Cachichi, Yates, and Tipotí. (Villagrá gives the Queres prov. to P. Zamora, omitting Rosas.) [Coronado names Quirix, or Quivix, a prov. of 7 pueblos. Espejo calls it Quires with 5 pueblos Castaño called it Quereses, naming one of the towns Sto Domingo, perhaps the same so called by Oñate, and also S. Marcos, S. Lúcas, and S. Cristóbal. Pueblos still standing in this region, the Rio Grande valley, in about lat. 35° 30', retain the names of Sta Ana, S. Felipe, Sto Domingo, and Cochiti, some of them perhaps identical with those of the 16th century.]
Fr. Cristobal de Salazar, prov. of the Tepúas (Téguas, acc. to Villagra) [Tehuas], with the pueblos of Triapi, Triaque, S. Ildefonso or Bove, Sta Clara, San Juan [de los Caballeros] or Caypa, S. Gabriel, Trovmaxiaquino, Xiomato, Axol, Camitria, Quiotráco, and the city of S. Francisco 'que se edifican.' [Coronado calls the prov. Ynque-Yunque with 6 towns; and his Ximera, or Ximena, with Silos and other abandoned villages may have been in this region. Espejo calls the province or the eastern part of it Ubates or Hubates. Of the 10 or 11 Tehna pueblos, the names of S. Juan, Sta Clara, and S. Ildefonso still remain in this district, and of the same prov. are the towns of Nambe, Pujuaque, and Tesuque. ]
Fr. Francisco de Zamora, prov. of the Picuries, with all the Apaches N. and w. of the Sierra Nevada; also prov. of the Taos with pueblos in that region and upper valley of the Rio Grande. Taos was also called Tayberon and S. Miguel; and Picuries was S. Buenaventura. [Coronado called Taos Braba, Uraba, or Yuraba; and his Acha prov. in this region was possibly Picuríes.]
Fr. Alonso de Lugo, prov. of the Emmes (Emés) [Jemes], and the pueblos of Yjar, Guayoguía, Mecastria, Quiustá, Ceca, Potre, Trea [Cia?], Guatitruti, Catróo; and the Apades [Apaches] and Cocoyes of the sierra and region. In the Obed. of July 7th, the Emmes pueblos are called Yxcaguayo, Quiamera, Fía, Quinsta, Leeca, Poze, Fiapuze, Friyti, and Caatri. [If, as seems likely, these are different spellings of the same 9 pueblos, our confidence in the accuracy of these doc. is considerably shaken. Coronado mentions the prov. of Hemes with 7 towns, and that of Aguas Calientes with 3. Espejo calls the prov. that of the Emexes, Emeges, or Amejes. The pueblo of Jemes still stands, but not on its original site.]
Fr. Andrés Corchado, prov. of Trias, or Trios, with pueblos of Tamaya, Yacco, Toajgua, and Pelchin. In the Obed. of July 7th are named Comitre and Ayquiyu, with Triati and Pequen, perhaps in this region. Corchado's district lay westward from the 'gran pueblo' of Tria or S. Pedro y S. Pablo (Zia, Villagrá.) [Cia, called Chia by Coronado. Perhaps the Tlascala of Rod- riguez. Sia, or Siay, of Espejo, the capital of the prov. of Punames, Pu- mames, or Cunames of 5 pueblos. ] Also Acoma, Obed. of Oct. 27th. [Possibly Niza's prov. of Acus or Marata. Coronado's Acuco, or Coco. Espejo's Acoma. If this pueblo could be located in the early times farther N. than its present site, say on the Puerco about lat. 35° 30', it would agree better with the records; but I find no evidence of a change, and the peculiarities of the peñol site render a change improbable, though not impossible.] Also Zuñi, or Truni-Obed. of Nov. 9th-a prov. of 6 pueblos, Aguicobi or Aguscobi, Canabi, Coaqueria, Halonagu, Macaqui, and Aguinsa. Ohed. of Nov. 9th. [Niza's prov. of Cihola with 7 pueblos, one of them Ahacus. Coronado's Cibola, with 2 of the 7 towns named Granada and Muzaque, perhaps the
137
ZALDÍVAR'S EXPEDITION.
After the general assembly and its attendant fes- tivities, Vicente Zaldívar was sent with fifty men to
107
106
Tao
· Pi
urie
s. Gabriel
36
S Cristobal
S.Ildefonso
AS.Marc's
Emmes
Cochitío
Tria
Sto.Domingo
º S.Felipe
Sta.Ana
°Galisteo
R. Pecus
· Puruai
35-
35
· Acoma
R.Grande
· S.Juan B.
o Abo
8
Socorro .
Qualacu Trenaquel
34
NEW MEXICO IN THE SIXTEENTH CENTURY.
Macaqui above. Espejo's Zuni, Zuny, Amé, or Ami, one of the towns being Aquico. ] Also the prov. of Mohoce or Mohoqui-Obed. of Nov. 15th-with its pueblos of Mohoqui, Naybé, Xumupamí, Cuanrabí, and Esperiez; the captains of which, perhaps confused with the pueblo names, were Pananmá, Hoynigua, Xuynuxá, Patiguá, and Aguatuybá. Obed. of Nov. 15th. [The modern names of the 7 Moqui towns-Nat. Races, i. 528-are Oraibe, Shumuthpa, Mushaiina, Ahlela, Gualpi, Siwinna, and Tegua; or acc. to Garcés in the 18th century, Sesepaulabá, Masagueve, Janogualpa, Muqui, Concabe, and Muca or Oraive. Coronado's Tusayan, Tucayan, Tuzan, Tusan, or Tucano with 7 towns. Espejo's Mohoce, or Mohace, with 5 towns, one of them Aguato, or Zaguato; other pueblos of Deziaguabos, Gaspé, Comupaví, Majananí, and Olalla being mentioned in connection with his exped.]
Other pueblos named in the Obed. of July 7th with no indication of locality, and not named in the distribution of friars, are Aychini, Baguacat, Xutis, Yucaopi, Acacagua, Ytriza, and Atica.
-
N.Sevilla
34
06
S.JUAN CAS.
Pecos º
138
OÑATE'S CONQUEST CONTINUED.
explore the buffalo plains of the east, with no results of a geographic or historic nature worth noticing here. Some petty adventures among the roving bands of natives, the shooting of the first bull by the valiant major, and a grand buffalo hunt with brilliant but not very successful efforts to capture some of the cibolos alive, claim, however, at the hands of our poet chron- icler more space than the annalist can devote to them. Zaldívar's absence was from September 10th to No- vember 8th, and he found traces of the expedition of Bonilla and Humana. His course was probably north- east. In October Oñate made a tour to the salinas eastward of Pecos, and thence south to Abó and the Jumana territory, the formal submission of the pueblo groups being on the 12th and 17th, and he returned about the 20th to the Rio Grande.
On the 23d of October the general started from Puarai on a western tour, accompanied by Padre Martinez; and four days later received the obediencia of Acoma. Here according to Villagrá he had a nar- row escape without knowing it at the time. Zutuca- pan, a chief who had not been invited to the conference at San Juan, had harangued the people from the house- tops, and urged them not to yield to the haughty Castillos.17 He had some success at first, but wiser counsels prevailed when his son Zutancalpo and the venerable Chumpo-120 years of age-had made the people understand how very difficult it would be to defeat the valiant strangers, and the utter ruin that must result to Acoma in the case of failure. Still Zutucapan gained a following, and a secret plan was made by twelve conspirators to kill Oñate in an estufa, which on one pretence or another he was to be induced to visit. The adelantado with his small force arrived, was satisfied with his friendly reception, and was filled with admiration at sight of the peñol town with its wonderful natural strength and defensive works.
17 So the Span. were generally called by the N. Mexicans. The name is a corruption of Castellanos.
139
THE GENERAL IN ARIZONA.
One of the twelve invited Oñate to see something very curious, but he cautiously and fortunately de- clined to enter the fatal estufa. The formal submis- sion of the pueblo having been received, the little army continued its march westward to Zuñi and to Mohoqui, where formal submission was rendered by the native chieftains on the 9th and 15th of November.18
Of Oñate's western explorations in what is now Arizona we know but little. He was everywhere hospitably entertained by the natives, who held grand hunts to furnish diversion and game for their guests. A party under captains Farfan and Quesada were sent out from Moqui in search of mines, which were found in a pleasant, well-watered country some thirty leagues westward, perhaps in the same region pre- viously explored by Espejo.19 There were also salt deposits, and according to Villagrá pearl-oyster shells, which caused a belief that the coast was not far dis- tant. The general had intended to reach the ocean on this tour, and soon after starting had sent orders to Juan Zaldívar to turn over the command at San Juan to his brother Vicente as soon as the latter should arrive from the plains, and to join his general in the
18 N. Mex .. Traslado, 132-41. In the Ytin. it is stated that O. like Espejo found at the Zuni towns, not only crosses, but Mex. Ind. left by Coronado.
19 It may be well to give the Ytin. from Pnarai (near Bernalillo or Sandía) to Acoma. Zuui, Moqui, and the mines as follows: w. 4 1. to Torrente de los Alamos, half-way between being the Arroyo de los Mimbres; 7 1. to Manan- tial de la Barranca, and 2 1. (apparently, for the text is confusing) to Acoma. (It is difficult to make this agree with the present location of Acoma with re- spect to Sandía; and here, as in many earlier statements, we are tempted to locate A. much farther north.
From the Peñol de Acoma 4 1. to source of the Rio de Mala Nueva; 8 1. to Agua de la Peña; 4 1. to 'agua que va a Juni ' (source of Zuñi River ?), where are 3 ruined pueblos; 3 1. to Ist Zuñi pueblo, there being 6 within a space of 3 1., and a famous Salina de Grano 9 1. east (?).
From Zuñi, 6 1. to Cienguilla; 6 1. to Manantialejos; 5 1. to Ist Moqui town; 3 1. to 2d pueblo; 4 1. to 4th, via 3d. These towns are the eastern (western ?) limit of settlements found down to Dec. 20, '98 (which may mean that O. remained here till that date, or some of his party).
From Moqui, 6 1. w. to Fuentecilla de los Médanos; 3 1. to Rio de la Ala- meda; 3 1. to foot of the Sierra sin Agua; 2 I. to Estanque del Pinal; 2} l. to ranchería de los Gandules; 6 1. in the mts to Agua del Valle; 2 1. to ran- chería de los Cruzados; 3 1. to the valley of partridges, magneys, with a fine river; 4 1. to 3d river, and 2 1. to 4th, both large streams; thence to the mines and hot springs, no distance given. Here the Ytin. terminates abruptly with p. 276; but later events at Acoma are given on previous pages. This western derrotero is an addition without dates.
140
ONATE'S CONQUEST CONTINUED.
west with thirty men. But trouble occurred, as we shall see, in connection with the carrying-out of these orders, and the Mar del Sur had to wait.
We have seen that captains Villagrá and Marquez had in September been sent south in pursuit of de- serters. They returned at the beginning of Novem- ber, and the former started alone with his horse and dog to join his leader and report the success of his mission. At Acoma he was so closely questioned by Zutucapan that his suspicions were aroused, and he refused to dismount. Stating that a large Spanish force was not far behind, and pleading urgent haste to overtake the general, he hurried on; and sleeping that night by the wayside he awoke in a snow-storm. Soon he fell into a pitfall that the treacherous natives had prepared for him, left his horse dead therein,20 and plodded on through the snow on foot, taking the pre- caution to reverse his boots, with a view to mislead pursuers. After suffering intensely from hunger for several days, at last he killed his dog for food, but as the faithful animal with the life-torrent pouring from his side turned to lick the hand of his slayer, Villagrá had no heart to eat the food obtained at such a cost.21 Soon after, when just ready to perish, he was rescued by three of Oñate's men who were searching for lost horses in the Zuñi region. At the same time his pursuers-possibly imaginary-came up, but thinking the main force near at hand dared not attack.22
20 The best of historians, even poets, leave now and then a point obscure. Perhaps the anthor, if he were still living, might reconcile the death of his horse in the pitfall with an earlier statement that at the time of writing he still had the noble charger that bore him on this journey ! A small woodcut in connection with V.'s portrait on the frontispiece is intended, as close ex- amination leads me to believe, to represent this adventure in the pit. It cer- tainly represents nothing else.
21 In the interests of history, and to the sacrifice of sentiment, I must add that the want of a fire to cook the dog was not without influence on the poet's decision. He had not thought of this when he did the cruel deed !
22 It must be noted that acc. to the Ytinerario, 267, 275, Capt. Marquez was the mau who made this trip, leaving Puarai Nov. 4th, and reaching Zuni half dead with cold and hunger; but I think it more likely that this is a slip of the pen than that Don Gaspar should have appropriated the achievements of another; especially as V. was at Zuni on Nov. 9th, as is shown in the Obe- diencia.
141
DEATH OF JUAN ZALDÍVAR.
Don Vicente Zaldívar returned from the plains on the 8th of November, and on the 18th Don Juan set out as ordered to join Oñate. Meanwhile the wily and patriot Zutucapan-if we are to credit the poet chronicler, who may have drawn on his imagination largely for his facts, or may on the other hand have obtained accurate information from the natives later- had renewed his efforts at Acoma, and this time suc- cessfully; for after the orators of the former occasion had spoken and others had added their eloquence on both sides, it was determined to test the boasted in- vulnerability of the Spaniards by attacking them on their arrival, having first taken the precaution to scatter them where they would fall an easy prey. Such was the situation when Zaldívar and his companions ap- proached the peñol. The natives came out to meet them with gifts and every demonstration of friendly feel- ing. They offered all the supplies that were needed, and next day the soldiers, no treachery being suspected, were sent in small parties to bring the provisions from different parts of the pueblo. A loud shout from the Indians first warned the maestro de campo of his peril; he wished to order a retreat, and thus in his leader's absence avoid the responsibility of open war; but an- other officer not named-severely blamed by Villagrá and accused of subsequent cowardice-opposed him until it was too late, and retreat was impossible.
A desperate hand-to-hand fight of three hours en- sued; Zutucapan, Pilco, Amulco, Cotumbo, and Tem- pol were the native chieftains most prominent in the battle; the Spaniards performed prodigies of valor in single combats; but the odds were too great, and one by one the little force melted away. At last the brave Zaldívar fell under the club of Zutucapan; the native warriors set up a cry of victory; five surviving Span- iards fled to the edge of the mesa and leaped down the cliff, four of them reaching the plain alive. Three others had escaped from the peñol, and all joined Alférez Casas, who was guarding the horses. Captain
142
OÑATE'S CONQUEST CONTINUED,
Tabora was sent to overtake Oñate; others went to warn the padres at their different stations, while the rest bore the sad tidings back to San Juan.23
The scene in camp when the disaster was announced to the wives, children, and friends of the slaughtered company may be left to the imagination of the reader. Solemn funeral rites for the dead were hardly com- pleted when Tabora returned, saying that he had not been able to find the governor; whereupon Alférez Casas with three companions volunteered for the ser- vice; and after many difficulties met Oñate beyond Acoma, near where Villagrá had been succored a month before. The adelantado retired to his tent and spent the night in prayer before a rude cross, if we may believe his eulogist, and in the morning made a speech of consolation to his men. Having with the least possible delay called in the several bands of explorers, he marched his army carefully and sadly back to San Juan, where his safe arrival on December 21st was celebrated by a te deum.
Formal proceedings were now instituted before Juan Gutierrez Bocanegra, appointed alcalde for the occasion, against the rebels; and after the friars had given a written opinion respecting the elements of a just war and the rights of victors over a vanquished people, it was decided that Captain Vicente de Zal- dívar be sent against Acoma; that the inhabitants of that town must be forced to give up the arms of the murdered soldiers, to leave their peñol, and to settle on the plains; that the fortress must be burned; and that all who might resist must be captured and en- slaved. Seventy brave men were selected for the
23 The fight took place on Dec. 4th. Acc. to Villagra and N. Mex., Mem., 213, 223, the killed were 11, but only Spaniards were included. The list as given in the Ytin., 268, is as follows: Captains Diego Nuñez and Felipe de Escalante, Alf. Pereyra, Araujo, Juan Camacho, Martin Ramirez, Juan de Segura, Pedro Robledo, Martin de Riveros, Sebastian Rodriguez, two mozos, a mulatto, and an Indian, besides Capt. Juan de Zaldívar. The wounded were Leon Zapata, Juan de Olague, Cavanillas, and the alguacil real, Las Casas, who was struck twice with stones. If the no. of survivors is correctly indicated, Z. could not have taken 30 men as ordered.
143
MARCH AGAINST ACOMA.
service, under officers including captains Zubia, Ro- mero, Aguilar, Farfan, Villagrá, and Marquez, Alférez Juan Cortés, and Juan Velarde as secretary. This army started on the 12th of January, 1599, and on the 21st arrived at Acoma, Villagrá with twelve men visiting Cia on the way for supplies. After Zaldívar's departure there seems to have been an alarm of threat- ened attack on San Juan, which, although it proved unfounded, gave our chronicler an opportunity to describe the preparations for defence, and to record the heroic offer of Doña Eufemia to lead the women to combat.
At Acoma the followers of Zutucapan were exult- ant, and succeeded in creating a popular belief that their past victory was but the prelude to a greater success which was to annihilate the invaders and free the whole country. Gicombo, a prominent chieftain who had neither taken part in nor approved the first attack, and had many misgivings for the future, called a general assembly of chiefs, to which were invited certain leaders not belonging to Acoma. It seems to have been tacitly understood that after what had happened war could not be averted, and all were ready for the struggle; but Gicombo, Zutancalpo, and Chumpo urged the necessity of removing women and children, and of other extraordinary precautions. Zu- tucapan and his party, however, ridiculed all fears, and boastingly proclaimed their ability to hold the peñol against the armies of the universe. When Zaldívar drew near, crowds of men and women were seen upon the walls dancing stark naked in an orgy of defiance and insult.
The sargento mayor, through Tomás the inter- preter, sent the rulers of Acoma a summons to come down and answer for the murder they had done; but they only replied with taunts, while the Spaniards pitched their tents on the plain and prepared for an assault. There were two points at which the ascent could be effected; and the summit plateau was divided
144
OÑATE'S CONQUEST CONTINUED.
by a ravine into two parts connected by a narrow pass. Zaldívar's strategy was to assault one of the peñoles with his main force, while a small and chosen party should hold themselves in readiness to scale the other. The night was spent in revelry by the natives; by the Spaniards in preparations and rest. On the morning of San Vicente, the 22d of January, the Indians began the battle by a discharge of arrows, and the Spanish leader sent what seemed to be his entire army to as- sault one of the entrances, where he soon concentrated the whole strength of the foe to oppose his ascent. Meanwhile, with twelve chosen men who had been concealed during the night, he mounted the other peñol, and gained the summit without serious resist- ance. The twelve were speedily reënforced, and all day long the battle raged fiercely, both at the pass between the two plateaux and at the entrance to that not yet gained.
For two days, and perhaps part of the third, the battle raged, and in five cantos of our epic are the details recounted of personal combats, desperate charges, individual acts of prowess on the part of Castilians and natives, religious services in the Chris- tian camp, juntas and discussions and dissensions in the fortress on the cliff, the death-struggles of nearly all the Acoma chieftains and of several of Oñate's men, hair-breadth escapes of Villagrá and his com- rades-details which may not be followed here, but in which the poet fairly revels. The Spanish loss seems to have been very small-perhaps only one man-and that of the natives very large, as was natu- ral considering the difference in weapons and armor. Zutucapan's only chance of a successful resistance was lost when the invaders gained a footing on the plateau. It was only by desperate valor, by immense superior- ity of numbers, and by the advantages of defence offered by the summit pass, that the fated people were able to prolong the combat for three days. Dur- ing the last day's battle the buildings of the pueblo
145
FALL OF THE PEÑOL PUEBLO.
were in flames, and hundreds killed each other in their desperation, or threw themselves down the cliff and perished rather than yield. Santiago or San Pablo was clearly seen by the natives during the conflict fighting for the Christians.
Finally, on the 24th the Spaniards gained full possession of the peñol pueblo, which they proceeded to destroy, at the same time slaughtering the in- habitants as a punishment for their sin of rebel- lion; though a remnant-600 in number, out of an estimated population of 6,000, under the venerable Chumpo, according to Villagrá-was permitted to surrender, and came down to settle on the plain.24 The pride and strength of the valiant Acomenses were broken forever; and it must have seemed hope- less for the other New Mexican communities to attempt what this cliff town, with all its natural ad- vantages, had failed to accomplish. There is no record that any other pueblo became involved in open hostil- ity to the Spaniards; indeed, of definite events for the rest of 1599 we have no record at all. With the fall of Acoma all the regular chronologic records end, including the Ytinerario and Villagra's epic. The poet promised his sovereign to continue the narration of New World adventures when the duties of his lance should give leisure to his pen; but so far as I know the opportunity never came.
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