USA > Arizona > History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, Volume XVII > Part 21
USA > New Mexico > History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, Volume XVII > Part 21
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175
CAUSES OF THE PUEBLO REVOLT.
hesitating to punish the slightest neglect, unbelief, relapse into paganism, so-called witchcraft, or chafing under missionary rule, with flogging, imprisonment, slavery, or even death. During the past thirty years large numbers of natives had been hanged for alleged sorcery, or communion with the devil, though gen- erally accused also of projected rebellion or plotting with the Apaches. The influence of the native old men, or priests-sorcerers, the Spaniards called them -was still potent; the very superiority of the pueblo organization gave the patriotic conspirators an advan- tage ; past failures had taught caution; and so skil- fully was the movement managed that the premature outbreak a few days before the time agreed upon was hardly less successful and deadly than would have been the revolt as planned.1
Pope, connected with a former disturbance and ac- cused of many crimes, was the moving spirit now. He was a San Juan Indian, but made Taos the centre of his efforts. Appealing to the popular superstition as well as patriotism, he claimed to have formed an alli- ance with the Great Spirit, or El Demonio of the Spaniards; and personally or through his agents and associates -chief among whom were Catiti of Santo Domingo, Tupatú of Picurí, and Jaca of Taos-Pope brought into his scheme all the pueblos except those of the Piros in the south, who for some unexplained reason were not invited. The Tanos and the Queres of Ciénega are doubtfully said to have shown some re- luctance. A knotted cord was the mysterious calen-
1 Testimony on the causes and methods of the plot was taken from many natives in the next 15 years, and is somewhat voluminously recorded; but I shall make no attempt to present details. There is a general agreement in the evidence, whether it comes from secular or ecclesiastical sources. Notwith- standing past quarrels, the friars seem to have had no charges to make against the gov. and his officers in this matter, all attributing the revolt to demoniac influences on a superstitious and idolatrous people. Sigüenza, Mercurio Vo- lante, 589, tells us that the plot had been brewing for fourteen years. Vetan- cur, Chron., 103-4, Id., Menol., 119, says it was foretold 6 years in advance by a girl miraculously raised from the dead, who said it was to be due to prevalent lack of respect for the padres. All suits against the friars were thereupon dropped in terror, but it was too late. A friar abroad also fore- told the event.
176
A DECADE OF FREEDOM.
dar sent by swift runners to all the pueblos to make known the date of rising, which seems to have been fixed for the 13th of August, 1680.2
Despite the utmost precautions, however-no woman being intrusted with the secret, and Pope killing his own son-in-law on suspicion of treachery-
107
Taos
·Picuri
S.Juan
136
36
Sta.Cruz . Sta.Clara S.Ildefonso 6
Jacona
Nambe
Pujuaqu'e
· Tezuque
Jemes TEIUAS
o Sta.F
Cochiti"
Cienega Pecos .
Cinº
TANOS S.Marcos
Sta.Andº QUERES
Calisteo
· S.Cristóbal
Puruai Sandía "Alameda
· S.Lázaro
· Chilili
· Quarac
35
· Taxique
· Acoma
· Isleta
· Tenabo
TOMPIROS
· Abo
· Sevillete
Tabira
Alamillo
PIROS
Socorro o
S.Pascual
34
34
107
Senecu
106
Sto.Domingof
º S.Felipe
TIGUAS
35
NEW MEXICO IN THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY.
2 Escalante in print makes the date the 18th, but my MS. copy has it 13th, as does Gregg. Davis and Miller, and some of the orig. corresp., make it Aug. 10th, the plot being revealed on the 8th. Otermin's narrative begins abruptly with the 10th, and says nothing of preceding revelations. The knotted cord is mentioned by the original authorities. Davis' explanation, that the knots represented days before the rising, and that each pueblo con- senting untied one knot, is not very clear.
177
THE PLOT REVEALED.
the influence of the friars over certain converts was so strong that the plot was revealed, perhaps as early as the 9th, from several different sources.3
The Tanos of San Lázaro and San Cristóbal revealed Pope's plot to Padre Bernal, the custodio. Padre Velasco of Pecos received a like confession from one of his neophytes. The alcalde of Taos sent a warning which caused the governor to arrest two Tesuque Indians who had been sent by the Tehuas to consult with the Tanos and Queres. Otermin sent messen- gers in all haste to warn padres and settlers south of San Felipe to flee to Isleta, while those of the north
3 The original authority on the revolt of 1680 is Otermin, Extractos de Doc. Hist. N. Mex., sacados de los autos existentes en el oficio del Supremo gobierno de esta corte, que sobre el Levantamiento del año de 1680 formó Don Antonio de Oter- min, gobernador y capitan general del mismo reino, copy from the Mexican ar- chives, in N. Mex., Doc. Hist., MS., 1153-1728. This record, equivalent to a journal of the governor's movements, expanded by various corresp. and autos, extends from Aug. 10, 1080, to the spring of 1682. It is very voluminous, and tediously verbose, most of the record being repeated several times in various forms, and a report by the fiscal in Mex. being a résumé that is more satisfac- tory to the reader than the bulky original. In the same col. of N. Mex., Doc., MS., 514-81, are several important letters written at El Paso in Aug .- Dec. 1680 by the friars. In l'etancur, Chronica, 94-104, and Id., Menologio, passim, the standard chronicle of the Franciscan provincia del Santo Evangelio, pub. in 1697, but written about 1691, before the reconquest of N. Mex., we find much valuable information about the missions just before the revolt, and the friars who lost their lives. Escalante, Carta, 116 et seq., is also one of the best authorities on the subject, the author having searched the archives by order of his superior in 1778, and thus consulted doubtless much missionary corresp. in addition to Otermin's record. Davis, Span. Conq., 287-335, gives a very satisfactory narrative from the archives-that is, following Otermin, a copy of whose Extractos was found at Sta Fé. The same authority was con- sulted by Gregg, Com. Prairies, i. 121-7, and Miller, in Sta Fé Centennial. Otermin, Vetancur, and Escalante may be regarded as the standard authori- ties on this subject. Other works, to some of which I shall have occasion to refer on special points, are as follows: Niel, Apunt., 103 et seq .; Villagutierre, Hist. Conq. Itza, 204-9; Dávila, Mem. Hist., pt ii. 1-2; Cavo, Tres Siglos, ii. 57-60; Villaseñor, Teatro, ii. 419; Mange, Hist. Pimeria, 227-8; Arch. N. Mex., 129; Lezaun, Noticias, MS., 129 et seq .; Arricivita, Cron. Seráf., 199; Ar- legui, Cron. Zac., 249-50; Rivera, Gob. de Mex., i. 252-3; Id., Hist. Jalapa, i. 98, 102; Sigüenza y Góngora, Mercurio Volante, MS., 589 et seq .; Zamacois, Hist. Mej., v. 429-37; Bustamante, Gabinete Mex., i. 35-6; Alvarez, Estudios, iii. 224-6, 264-5; Lacunza, Discursos, no. xxxv. 503; Escudero, Not. Chih., 231; Espinosa, Cron., 35; Prince's Hist. Sk., 190-205; Carleton, in Smith. Inst. Rept, 1854; Brevoort's N. Mex., 83; Dampier's Voy., i. 272; Mayer's Mex. Aztec, i. 213-14; St Francis, Life, 557; Davis' El Gringo, 75-80, 134 7; Meline's 2000 Miles, 136; Beltrami, Mex., i. 280-1; Nous. Ann. Voy., cxxxi. 255; Domenech's Des., 180-3; Modern Trav., Mex., ii. 72; Hinton's Handbook, 388. The matter thus referred to varies from accurate narrative to worthless mention, but con- tains no original information of value. The pages cited or the following ones in most cases include the reconquest in 1692.
HIST. ARIZ. AND N. MEX. 12
178
A DECADE OF FREEDOM.
were to start for the capital or Santa Cruz de la Cañada. Pope saw that his only hope of success was in immediate action, and by his orders the Taos, Picuríes, and Tehuas attacked the inissions and farms of the northern pueblos before dawn on the 10th, " llevandolo todo á sangre y fuego." Apparently, hostilities had been committed at Santa Clara a day or two earlier, and some of the more distant pueblos rose a day or two later, as soon as they heard of the premature outbreak. I follow Escalante's version for what is not found in Otermin's journal; but little reli- ance can be put in the accuracy of details. All agree that the outbreak was on the 10th, day of San Lo- renzo, and that it was premature. On that day Al- férez Lucero and a soldier arrived at Santa Fé with news of the rising of the Tehuas, reporting that the alcalde mayor had collected the people at La Cañada, and that the rebels were in force at Santa Clara. Captain Francisco Gomez was sent out to recon- noitre, and returned on the 12th with confirmation and a few details of the disaster. The governor on the 13th ordered the alcalde and sargento mayor, Luis Quintana, to bring in the people from La Cañada to Santa Fé, which was probably accomplished.4 He sent out native scouts, despatched an order to Lieuten- ant-general Alonso García to send aid from Isleta, and prepared to defend the capital.
It was the plan of the New Mexicans to utterly ex- terminate the Spaniards; and in the massacre none was spared-neither soldier, priest, or settler, personal friend or foe, young or old, man or woman-except that a few beautiful women and girls were kept as captives. From San Felipe south all were warned in time to make their escape. Many settlers of the valley farther north took refuge at La Cañada and were saved; but in all the missions of the north and east
+Otermin is not clear about this, but I find no foundation for Davis' inter- pretation to the effect that all at La Cañada perished. Escalante says they reached Sta Fé safely; and it is certain that Quintana himself did so.
179
MASSACRE OF THE SPANIARDS.
and west only the friar at Cochiti, those at Santa Fé, and one in the Zuñi province -- who was perhaps ab- sent -- escaped death. The number of victims was slightly over 400, including 21 missionaries and 73 men capable of bearing arms; those who escaped were about 1,950, including 11 missionaries and 155 capable of bearing arms.5 It will be noticed that the friars with few exceptions were new-comers, and that the whole number in the province was less than might have been expected from preceding annals.
On August 14th the scouts returned and reported that 500 Indians from Pecos and the eastern pueblos were approaching; and next morning the foe appeared at San Miguel in the suburbs of the villa.6 One of the number was induced to enter the town and hold a conference; but he said that nothing could change the determination of his countrymen, who had brought two crosses, one red, as a token of war, the other white, indicating peace; but if the Spaniards should choose the white flag they must immediately quit the coun- try. They said they had killed God and Santa María, and the king must yield. The governor sent out a force to attack the enemy before reinforcements could arrive, and soon went out in person. The battle lasted nearly all day, but when the Spaniards seemed
5 The friars who perished are named, with some biog. information, by P. Ayeta in a letter of Sept. 11th, and also by Vetancur as follows: P. Juan de Bal, Spaniard, came to N. Mex. in '71; Juan Bernal, custodio, Mexican, came in '74; José Espeleta, Span., before '50; José Figueroa, Mex., '74; Juan Bau- tista, Span., '77; Juan de Jesus, Span., '67; Fran. Ant. Lorenzana, Span., '74; Lucas Maldonado, Span., '67; Juan Montesdeoca, Mex., '67; Ant. Mora, Mex., '71; Luis Morales, Mex., '64; Juan Pedrosa, Mex., '64; Matias Rendon, Mex., '74; Antonio Sanchez, Mex., '77; Agust. Sta Maria, Mex., '74; Juan Talaban, Span., '62; Manuel Tinoco, -, '74; Tomás Torres, Mex., '77; José Trujillo, Span., '67; Fern. Velasco, Span., before '50; Juan Dom. Vera, Mex., '74. For distribution, see end of the preceding chapter. The surviving friars named in a letter of P. Sierra of Sept. 4th were PP. Jose (or Ant. ) Bonilla, Fran. Gomez de la Cadena, Andrés Duran, Fran. Farfan, Nicolas Hurtado, Diego Mendoza, Fran. Muñoz, Diego Parraga, Ant. Sierra, Tomás Tobalina, and Juan Zavaleta. Five captains are named as having been killed; Fran. Jimenez, Agustin Carbajal, Cris. de Anaya, José Nieto, and Andrés Gomez.
6 Davis, Miller, and Gregg imply that it was on the 12th or 13th; but Otermin's record is clear. Escalante speaks of the Tlascaltec suburb or ward of Analco, which is not unlikely, though I have found no earlier mention of such a Tlascaltec colony in N. Mex.
180
A DECADE OF FREEDOM.
on the point of victory, the northern army of Taos, Picuríes, and Tehuas appeared on the field, and Oter- min was obliged to retire with his men to protect the palacio, where women and children had taken refuge. The siege of Santa Fe lasted five days.7 The natives were about 3,000 strong. They soon took and de- stroyed the suburbs, and indeed all but the plaza and casas reales. The church and convent were burned, and the water supply was cut off. Out of a popula- tion of 1,000, Otermin had less than 150 men, many of them servants utterly unfit for military service; but the situation was critical, and finally on the 20th with 100 men he made a desperate sortie. Invoking "the sweet name of María," this forlorn hope threw itself against the besiegers and drove them back, killing 300 and bringing 47 captives into the villa, who, after their testimony had been taken, were shot in the plaza.8 During the whole siege and battles only five Spaniards were killed, though the governor and many others were wounded.
It was decided on the 21st to abandon Santa Fé, or, as the original record puts it, to march to the relief of Isleta; clothing to the value of $8,000 was dis- tributed; and the governor, garrison, women and and children, and three friars-Cadena, Duran, and Farfan-about 1,000 persons in all, began their march on foot, each carrying his own luggage, as the horses were barely sufficient for the sick and wounded. The natives, though watching the fugitives from the hills and sometimes being seen at a distance, made no attack. Perhaps they had not yet the courage to face the desperate valor of Otermin's little band, or
7 From the 16th to 19th, or 7 days, 15th to 20th. Most writers make it 9 days, that is, from the Ist alarm on the 10th to the 19th.
8 Miller says nothing of this affair, representing the Spaniards as having cut their way out. Cavo says they escaped hy stealth when hunger and the stench of dead bodies became intolerable. Villagutierre tells us that Gov. O. cut off the water to drive the Indians out of the fort they had seized. The captives said the plot had been made long ago at Tesuque; but that the real leader was a man in the north whom Montezuma had left behind as lieutenant on his departure for Mexico.
181
FLIGHT FROM SANTA FÉ.
they waited for the hardships of the march to render their deadly task less difficult; but it is more likely that they were content to avoid further bloodshed, now that their chief object had been effected in the invad- ers' retreat.
The route was by Santo Domingo, where were found the bodies of three padres and five other Span- iards who had been murdered, and thence to San Felipe and Sandía, whose Spanish inhabitants had escaped, though all these pueblos had been sacked and partially ruined, all vestiges of Christianity having been destroyed. Several haciendas on the way were found in ruins, with evidence that the occupants had been killed. Isleta was reached on the 27th; but the refugees under Captain García had left this pueblo thirteen days before and gone south to Fra Cristóbal.9 At Alamillo, in the region of Socorro, the governor met García, who had been overtaken by his messen- gers and returned. Legal proceedings were begun against him for having left Isleta without orders; but he claimed to have acted from necessity, having neither force nor supplies, and believing that all in the north were dead. Here also, on September 6th, was met Pedro de Leiva with thirty men, part of the escort of Padre Ayeta's supply train, sent up fromn El Paso by the procurador to aid the fugitives. All went south to Fra Cristóbal, where on the 16th a council determined that under the circumstances it
9 Sept. 4th García writes from Fra Cristóbal to P. Ayeta at El Paso, having just received news from the gov. N. Mex., Doc., MS., 514-20; also P. Sierra to same on same date, giving names of surviving padres. Id., 570-5. It appears that capt. Seb. Herrera and Fern. Chavez, returning from the Yuta country, were at Taos when the revolt occurred, but escaped, reached Sta Fé while the siege was in progress, and passed on to join Gareía at Isleta. Aug. 31st, letter of Ayeta to viceroy when he had heard of the revolt, but sup- posed Otermin and all in the N. to have perished. Id., 559-81. He says Leiva has started N. on the 30th with 27 men and supplies; thinks a stand must be made at El Paso or all the north will be lost to Spain; urges that Leiva be made gov. if Otermin is dead; thinks 27 padres bave perished. It is a long, rambling letter, showing the writer's natural anxiety at such a time, and referring to the autos for more details. On Sept. 11th he writes again, when he has heard of succor having reached both parties of fugitives. He gives names and brief biog. of the murdered friars. Id., 525-41.
182
A DECADE OF FREEDOM.
was impracticable to return to Santa Fé; and before the end of September the whole force was encamped in the region of El Paso del Norte, where for twenty years or more the Franciscans had had a mission of Guadalupe. 10
10 Sept. 18th, Otermin writes from Salineta, 41. from Guadalupe, and speaks of a great flood which makes it difficult to cross the river; hut he apparently crosses on the 221 to inspect Ayeta's supplies. Otermin, Extractos, 1183-4. Dec. 20th, P. Ayeta writes to the com. gen., chiefly on details of supplies. He says the army is now encamped in three divisions on the river, 2 1. apart; Ist the gov., cabildo, and 5 friars at S. Lorenzo, so named for the day of the great revolt; 2d, the camp of S. Pedro de Alcántara with 4 padres; and 3d, the camp of Sacramento, under P. Alvaro Zavaleta as prelate. The rest of the padres are at the convent of Guadalupe, P. Nicolas Hurtado having been appointed custodio. N. Mex., Doc., MS., 541-58. Vetancur, Chron., 98, tells us that Guadalupe was founded by P. García de Zúñiga among the Mansos in 1639, and the church was dedicated in '68 by P. Juan Talaban. In about 1691 it has 1,000 neophytes, or 2,000 with the fugitives from N. Mex. Twelve 1. away is a mission station of S. Francisco, with one padre; and 1} 1. from here (S. Fran. or Guadalupe ?) is the Real de S. Lorenzo.
The following items about the revolt, collected by Davis and others, but not noted by Escalante, may in a few instances have some slight foundation in fact. P. Jesus Morador, of Jemes, was taken from bed, bound naked on a hog's hack, and thus with blows and yells paraded through the town, being afterwards himself ridden and spurred till he fell dead. (Gregg tells the same story, but of a padre at Cia, on the authority of a captive named Ojeda. Vetancur says there was a dispute at Jemes, some of the people wishing to save Padre Juan de Jesus, who was finally killed kneeling in the plaza and embracing the Christ.) At Acoma PP. Maldonado, Figueroa, and Mora (only Maldonado was really at Acoma) were tied together and marched naked through the streets with abuse and insult of every kind, till Figueroa, by open defiance and predicting the tormentors' downfall in 3 years, provoked them to kill all three with clubs and stones. At Zuni PP. Analiza, Espinosa, and Calzada (no such padres were in the country at this date) were shot by A.'s servant, who was forced to do the deed. Here the victims were buried in the church, but elsewhere thrown outside the pueblo limits. (There may be some vague ref. to an earlier event. D., in El Gringo, 75-9, mentions a trad. that the Zuni padre was not killed-which was true-but abjured his faith.) The Moqui padres Vallada and Lombarde (names incorrect) were stoned to death after the usual insults; aud the P. procurador on his way from Acoma to Zuñi was killed while knecling in prayer. Gregg preserves the tradition that S. Felipe remained faithful and saved also the padre of another pueblo, who when water failed and all were about to perish, prayer- fully opened a veiu in each arm, from which flowed water in copious streams. Arlegui, Cron. Zac., 249-50, mentions a P. Alonzo Gil who, in this revolt of some other, appeared at the window of the church where the Christians had taken refuge, and was shot while trying to appease the rebels. At S. Juan, acc. to Arch. N. Mex., 129, three Span. women were kept alive and bore children during their captivity. Villaseñor and others state that S. Juan de los Caballeros was so named for the gentlemanly conduct of its people in this revolt, but the name had really been given 81 years before. Pino, Expos., 5, and Frejes say that S. Juan and Pecos remained faithful to the Span .; and Bandelier thinks this may be true of Pecos, but it does not agree with the original records. Carleton, Smiths. Inst., '54, p. 313, preserves the story that the 70 padres of Quivira, only 2 of whom escaped, buried immense treasure, the existence of which was revealed later by one of the last survivors of the
183
THE REFUGEES FOUND EL PASO.
Father Ayeta's wagon-train of supplies, the depar- ture of which from Mexico has been noted in the preceding chapter, was a veritable godsend to the refugees, without which many must have perished, and no stand could have been made at El Paso. As it was, with all the padre procurador's energy and liber- ality, distributing from his store-most of which had been sent for the friars-ten head of cattle and ten fanegas of corn daily, and with some aid from the Nueva Vizcayan authorities at Parral and Casas Grandes, there was much suffering among the exiles. Many abandoned the company and were scattered in the Chihuahua settlements. At the end of the year Ayeta went to Mexico with a full report of mis- fortunes and a petition for relief, and his mission was successful;11 for the viceroy not only took steps to re- lieve present necessities, but ordered preparations to be made for the reconquest of the lost province. Ayeta came back early in 1681, still in charge of the royal interests, bringing cheering news, supplies, and reën- forcements. Then-or possibly not till 1682-El Paso was founded, at or near the temporary camp of Sau Lorenzo, as a kind of presidio and supply station for the reconquest and protection of New Mexico.12
extinct race; hence the holes made hy treasure-seekers among the ruins. Dam- pier, Voy., i. 272, who heard of the revolt when cruising off the Jalisco coast in 1686, learned that some of the Span, from N. Mex. had fled to the gulf of Cal. and escaped in canoes.
11 In Otermin, Extractos, MS., 1185-1205, is a documentary record of Ayeta's proceedings, largely filled with unimportant details. He had spent $29,250, of which $9,625 was from the royal coffers. He had an appointment as procurador gen. of New Spain, and was ordered to Spain; but the audiencia in Feb. '81 authorized him to suspend his departure in order to go on with his N. Mex. enterprise. On March 20th there was a religious service at the convent of S. Francisco in memory of the 21 martyrs. Dr Sariñana preached. Robles, Diario, 319.
12 Davis and others seem to labor under the impression that El Paso was already an old and flourishing town, which idea leads them into some con- fusion. As to exact localities I make no attempt to clear up the matter. As we have seen, there was an old mission of Guadalupe in the vicinity. El Paso was 'the ford' of Oñate's men in 1598, and not, as Gregg suggests, 'the pas- sage from the north' of the fugitive Spaniards, or as others have thought, ' the passage ' of the river from the mts into the broad valley. Niel, Apunt., 103, tells us that Otermin having crossed the river a flood occurred that pre- vented the pursuing Ind. from crossing, and as for two years the river did not cuajar (that is, I suppose, return to its normal condition) the gov. had time to fortify El Paso!
184
A DECADE OF FREEDOM.
The New Mexicans were again masters in their own country, free to use or abuse the liberty they had won. Unfortunately, they had a leader who, like the governor he had deposed, claimed supreme authority. Willing to restore the old faith, or estufa-sorcery, Pope had no idea of surrendering his newly acquired power or of granting independent government to the pueblos. Therefore, or because of other remnants of Spanish influence, perhaps from the wrath of native dieties or retribution sent by the Christian god, abo- riginal prosperity was at an end. Civil war, drought, famine, and pestilence devastated the province for a decade. Naturally, we know but little of what hap- pened during this period save the final result; and to the reconquest itself must be attributed a large share of the devastation. Moreover, the Spaniards, who tell the story, are disposed to exaggerate the ruin that followed apostasy from the faith.
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