USA > Arizona > History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, Volume XVII > Part 29
USA > New Mexico > History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, Volume XVII > Part 29
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Governor Cachupin marched against the Coman- ches in 1751, setting fire to a tular into which he had driven 145 of the foe, killing 101 and capturing the rest.1 This elicited commendation from the viceroy and was reported to the king. It may be well, how- ever, to bear in mind that according to the friars, who were particularly bitter against Cachupin, the gov- ernor's reports of Indian campaigns had often no foundation in fact. At the end of his five years' term in 1754, Don Tomás was succeeded by Don Francisco Antonio Marin del Valle, who perhaps served ad in- terim by the viceroy's appointment,2 and who was also cordially hated by the padres. In 1755 Padre Rodri- guez de la Torre, with a small party of neophytes, visited the Moqui towns, being well received and per- mitted to preach; but whenever the masses showed any sign of yielding to his persuasions a 'cacique ende- moniado' would rise to talk on the other side. The padres were good men, he said, but his people were too sensible and strong to become slaves of the alcaldes.3
1 Arch. Sta Fé, MS. The Comanches had raided Galisteo. Gov. C. had 164 men, of whom only one was killed. Forty of the captives were released with the women and children, but 4 were held as hostages for the return of earlier prisoners. In 1752 the Cosninas, 30 1. from Moqui, 10,000 souls in 11 rancherias are said to have asked through P. Menchero for Christian instruc- tion. Id.
" He signs a doc. as ' gobernador político y militar' on Nov. 26, 1754. Arch. Sta Fe. I think he was regularly appointed by the king. Davis and l'rince name him as acting gov. in 1761-2, which I think is an error. Acc. to Prince, Gov. Marin and wife presented the great carved stone reredes, or altar screen, in the Sta Fé cathedral.
3 Rodriguez de la Torre (Mariano), Entrada en Ut prov. de los Moquinos 1755, MS., written in '70. In N. Mex., Doc., MS., 842-53. He remained 14 days. A curious story heard by him was that the Moquis had a board on which they had made one mark each year since the revolt of 1680; when the board was covered with marks, then would they submit to Christianity. A MS., Dominguez (Atanasio), Exped. lá a Prov. de Moqui in '55 is cited in Fer- nandez Duro, Not., 138, as in the Acad. de Hist .; but I suppose the date should be '75. In '56-7 Bernardo Miera y Pacheco obtained permission to remelt the old useless cannen and make new ones. It was not his trade, but he thought he could do no harm by trying. He was then alcalde mayor of Peces and Galisteo. The result is not recorded. MS. in Pinart col.
257
THE BISHOP'S TOUR.
The leading event of Valle's rule was the visit of Bishop Tamaron of Durango, who at the different settlements confirmed 11,271 persons, besides 2,973 in the district of El Paso. The visita was from April to July of 1760, and met no opposition on the part of the missionaries.4 Later in the same year Mateo Antonio de Mendoza acted as governor for a few months, and in 1761-2 the position was held by Manuel Portillo Urrisola.5 Don Manuel distinguished himself, if we take his word for it, by killing 400 Comanches in a fight at Taos in December 1761." The governor had hoped that this victory would settle the Comanche question and strike terror to all gentile raiders; but was disappointed at finding his successor averse to en- ergetic and warlike methods, and the country conse- quently not yet saved.
That successor, who took command on the 1st of February, 1762, was no other that Cachupin, who, despite the bitter opposition of the Franciscans, had been appointed by the king for a new term.7 During
' Tamaron (Pedro), Visita del Obispo de Durango 1759-63, MS., p. 123-53, 160-1. There were 64 in the party from El Paso in Apr., including the P. custodio and a guard of 22 men. The bishop's carriage was onee overturned, but he fell on top of the custodio and was not hurt ! At Pecos, as elsewhere, there was a grand ceremonial reception, which an Indian a little later pro- ceeded to burlesque, playing himself the part of bishop; whereupon to punish his impions conduct a bear came down from the mountaine and chewed np his head in a fatally effective manner. On the return the season was so wet that water was found even in the Jornarda del Muerto.
" Mendoza is named only by P. Serrano, Informe, MS., 266, 269, writing in 'G1, who says he ceased to rule in Dec. '60 or Jan. '61. His successor in a MS. of the Pinart col. is called Francisco Portilla. Serrano, 276, notes the almost complete dispersion of mission Ind. of the El Paso estab. in '60-1.
6 In Aug. '60 the Comanches made a raid on Taos, and attacking the people who had taken refuge in the house of one Villalpando, killed all the mnen and carried off 50 women, though losing 49 of their own force. Gov. Valle pursued them 200 1. in 40 days, but accomplished nothing. T'amaron, Visita, MS., 141. The sequel is told in a letter of Urrisola to the bishop, dated Feb. 24, '62, in Id., 141-4. In Aug. '61 the Ind. came back to trade as if nothing unusual had occurred, but were not admitted. They returned again in Dec. in large force to insist on the privilege of trading, even offering to give up 7 of their captives. Gov. U. with 80 men hastened to Taos, and engaged in complicated negotiations and wrangles with the warlike traders, whose inde- pendence and insolence soon resulte 1 in a fight, with the result as given in my text. During the battle, however, the Yutas took advantage of the opportu- nity to drive off 1,000 horses ! I have not much faith in the accuracy of this report, and suspect that the gov. may have been an embustero.
" Appointment March 5, 1761, with orders to the viceroy to put C. in pos- HIST. ARIZ. AND N. MEX. 17
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LAST HALF OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
this second rule of five years Don Tomás sent a party to search for mines in the San Juan and Gunnison regions of what was later Colorado,8 attended to the routine duties of his position,9 and waged legal war- fare on certain Indians accused of witchcraft at Abi- quiú, the whole affair presenting a striking picture of silly superstition-on the part of the Spaniards.1º In 1766 the Marqués de Rubí visited New Mexico in his tour as inspector of frontier presidios.11
Colonel Pedro Fermin de Mendinueta succeeded Cachupin as governor and captain-general-being the last to hold the latter title-in 1767.12 In that year
session of the office without delay, ' con pretexto ni motivo alguno.' On Aug. 30, '62, the king has rec'd viceroy's report of Dec. 17, '61, with copy of secret instructions to Gov. C. N. Mex., Ced., MS., 56. At the time of Urrisola's Comanche campaign an escort of 22 soldiers hal been sent to El Paso for the new gov. Tamaron, Visita, MS., 141-4.
8 Dominguez and Escalante, Diario, 388-9, 409-10. Acc. to this printed diary of an entrada of 1776, Juan Maria Rivera visited the region (about the junction of the Gunnison and Uncompahgre) in 1761; it was visited by a party sent by Gov. C., and the name of La Plata given to a sierra and river, from silver dis- covered at that time; and perhaps a 3d visit made in 1775. But Fernandez Duro, Noticias, 139, 142, who consulted a MS. copy of the diary in the Acad. Hist., makes the date of Rivera's tour 1765. Dominguez saw Rivera's derro- tero.
9 In '62 some 50 citizens of Alburquerque protest their inability to com- ply with the gov.'s orders to keep horses, etc., in readiness for Ind. service; and in May are chided by the gov. for their lack of patriotism. They must obey and stop selling their arms and animals to avoid service. In 1763, 40 citizens of the same town petitioned for the removal of their alcalde mayor, Ant. Vaca, and 33 other citizens protested that V. was a goodl official, though the object of the enmity of a few. To keep the peace Mig. Lucero was appointed temporarily to fill the office. MSS. of Pinart col.
10 Autos contra unos Indios Jenízaros del pueblo de Abiquiú sobre ser acusados de hechiceros maléficos por su ministro el R. P. Fr. Juan Joseph de Toledo y el indio Juachinillo. MS. of the Pinart col. The case dated in 1760-6, but the trial was chiefly in 1763. One effect of the alleged sorcery was a sad condi- tion of the padre's stomach. The trial was before the alc. mayor of La Ca- nada, Carlos Fernandez, and over 100 pp. are filled with testimony. The re- sult was that 7 or 8 Ind. were condemned to ' become the servants' of certain Span. families. A detachment of troops was sent to Abiquiú to destroy relics of supposed idolatrous worship, including a stone with hieroglyphics, etc.
11 Lafora (Nicolas), Viage del ingeniero a Sta Fé, 1766. MS. in Pinart col. L. accompanied Rubí and kept the diary, which contains little or nothing of interest except statistics utilized later. L. also made a map, which so far as I know is not extant.
12 Morfi, Desórdenes, MS., 407, writes the full name Lara y Mendinueta, and calls him brigadier. Davis and Prince represent him as ruling also in 1759 and 1762, and Cachupin in 1773, all of which must, I think, be wrong. They mention the fact of his being the last capt. - gen .; and certainly no one had that title after him; but I am not quite sure that all his predecessors held it, and I have seen no doc. in which he uses that title. M. was a knight of Santiago.
259
MENDINUETA'S RULE.
there was a great flood at Santa Fé in October, the course of the river being turned into the Rio Chi- quito and threatening the safety of the public build- ings. 13 Against this ruler and his successors I have found no complaints from the missionaries. In 1771 he announced the conclusion of a treaty with the Co- manches on the 3d of February;14 and the viceroy, replying with thanks, called for a report on the condi- tion and needs of the province, which was furnished in March 1772. Mendinueta declared that the force of 80 soldiers at Santa Fé was not sufficient to protect so broad a territory, raided by savage foes from every side. True, there were about 250 men capable of bearing arms among the settlers, besides the pueblo Indians; but these were poorly supplied with weap- ons, and could not leave their homes unprotected to engage in distant campaigns. The governor's pro- posed remedy was a new presidio at Taos, and an en- forced law requiring the Spaniards to live in compact pueblos like the Indians. 15
The subject of northern frontier defences received much attention in these years, and in 1772-3 the new reglamento de presidios was published. The only change ordered in New Mexico proper was the de- tachment of thirty soldiers from Santa Fé to join thirty citizen auxiliaries from El Paso, forming a gar- rison at Robledo, which was to protect the route up the river and serve as a base for reestablishing the ruined pueblos of Senecú, Socorro, Alamillo, and Sevilleta. For the protection of El Paso the militia was to be organized, the presidial company being transferred to Carrizal on the frontier of Nueva Viz-
13 Sta Fé, Inundaciones de 1767. MS. of Pinart col. The gov. in decree of Nov. 7th orders all citizens to turn out by list under certain superintendents and work to restore the river to its original bed. Fran. Guerrero was alcalde mayor. July 15, '69, orders of viceroy to gov. M. about a projected cam- paign against the Apaches. MS. in ld.
1+ April 25, '71, Gov. M. to the people, announcing the treaty, and urg- ing all to use the utmost care to treat the Ind. in exact conformity with the conditions. MS. in Pinart col.
15 March 26, 1772, Gov. M. to Viceroy Bucareli, in Doc. Hist. Mex., 3d ser., iv. 720-3; Bonilla, Apuntes, MS., 352-6.
260
LAST HALF OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
caya. 16 16 Nothing of all this was carried into effect, ex- cept the transfer of the presidio-or of the main force, a detachment being always or generally stationed at El Paso-the governor very properly protesting against the division of the force at Santa Fé, and some con- venient excuse being always ready for failure to or- ganize the militia.
The conquest or conversion of the Moquis was a matter still kept in view, though for about twenty years no practical efforts in that direction are recorded, down to 1774-6, when the project was revived in con- nection with the California expeditions from Sonora. Captain Juan Bautista de Anza made an experimental or exploring trip by way of the Gila to California in 1774; and it was desired that in connection with his second expedition the region between the Gila and Moqui towns should be explored. This region had not been traversed since the time of Coronado in 1540-3, except by Oñate, whose journey was practi- cally forgotten. The country and its people were wrapped in mystery, and were the objects of much curiosity and theorizing. To find a way to Moqui was deemed important, especially as it was proposed, if possible, to occupy the Gila valley and some of its branches.17 The New Mexican friars were called
16 Presidios, Reglamento é Instruccion 1772-3, p. 11, 16-18, 118-22; given also in whole or in part in several works. See Hist. North Mex. St., i. 646, 668. The Sta Fé presidio as reorganized was to have 1 capt. (the gov.) at a salary of $4,000, 2 lient. at $700, 2 sergt. at $350, 6 corp. at $300, and 68 sold. at £290; there was to be a lieut .- gov. at El Paso, with a salary of $1,000, and the 30 vecinos auxiliaries at Robledo were to receive $15 per month for 10 years, to be armed like soldiers, to be free from cuartel duty, and finally to have land-grants. Bonilla, Apuntes, MS., gives some particulars about the non-exe- cution of the reglamento and the orders following it. Antonio María Daroca was made lieut .- gov., but died soon from wounds received in an Apache cam- paign; and was succeeded by Manuel Arrieta, and he by Narciso Muñiz.
17 Crespo (Fran. Ant.), Informe que hizo al virey el gobr. de Sonora acerca del descubrimiento de N. Mex. para Monterey, in N. Mex., Doc., MS., 802-23. The details pertain to Ariz. rather than N. Mex. The writer proposes a branch exped., after Anza's return from Cal., to the Colorarlo, that is, from the Mojave region to Moqui and N. Mex. This doc. is cited under a different title by Fernandez Duro, Not., 141, as in the Acad. Hist. He also cites Gar- cés, Diario desde N. Mej., á la Cal., which may be a ref. to Garcés' journal of Anza's Ist trip, or of G.'s trip of '76 to N. Mex., to be noticed later. On Anza's exped. of '74 and '76, see Hist. Cal., i. 220-4, 257-78.
261
ESCALANTE AND DOMINGUEZ.
upon for their views, and Padre Escalante developed much enthusiasm on the subject. In June 1775, or possibly 1774, he spent eight days in the Moqui towns, trying in vain to reach the Rio Grande de Cosninas beyond. In a report to the governor he gave a de- scription of the pueblos-where he found 7,494 souls, two thirds of them at Oraibe, in seven pueblos on three separate mesas-and his ideas of what should be done. He earnestly recommended-subsequently writing to his superior a long argument in support of his position -that the Moquis should be reduced by force of arms and a presidio established there. The Moquinos, he said, were well disposed, but their chiefs had deter- mined not to give up their power, not only keeping their own people from submission, but the Cosninas as well, who were eager to be Christians. As to the routes, Escalante thought from what he could learn by Indian reports that the way from Terrenate by the Gila and thence north to Zuñi would not be very difficult; that the central route from the Colorado to Moqui would probably be found impracticable; but that the best of all was one leading from Monterey eastward in a nearly direct line to Santa Fé.18
Alas for the good padre's geographic theories! In 1776, with a party of nine, including Padre Francisco Atanasio Dominguez, he attempted to reach Monterey from Santa Fé by the northern route. This tour be- longs mainly to the annals of Utah and Colorado, as recorded in other volumes. The explorers reached Utah Lake and thus accomplished results that should make their names famous; but fortunately-else they would not have lived to tell the story-when on the approach of winter provisions became scarce and the
18 Escalante (Silvestre Velez), Informe y Diario de la Entrada que en junio de 1775 hizo en la prov. de Moqui. MS., in N. Mex., Doc., 1022-57; also without title in Id., 951-84. It is dated Oct. 28, 1775. The author has heard of some white men in the west before the founding of Monterey, and thus intro- duces the Northern Mystery, shipwrecked Spaniards, etc. Garcés, Diario, 362-4, alludes to a similar report-perhaps the same-written by Escalante on Aug. 18, 1775. Escalante, Carta de '76 sobre Moqui, in N. Mex., Doc., MS., 985-1013, is the argument alluded to in my text to prove the justice and policy of using force.
262
LAST HALF OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
natives showed no knowledge of Spaniards in the west, lots were cast, and fate decided that the journey to Monterey should be postponed. Accordingly, they returned south-eastward, forded the Colorado, came to the Moqui towns, and returned to Santa Fé. The Moquinos, though furnishing food and shelter, would not receive presents. A meeting was held to discuss submission, but while willing to be friends of the Spaniards, the people proudly refused to be subjects or Christians, preferring to 'go with the majority' and be gentiles, as the traditions of their fathers directed them.13 Not only did Escalante fail to demonstrate the merits of his favorite northern route, but earlier in the same year the central one was proved to be practicable; and this, so far as the Moqui question was concerned, was the only result of Anza's California expedition. Padre Francisco Garcés, leaving Anza at the Gila junction, went up the Colorado to the Mojave region with a few Indian servants, and after making important explorations in California started eastward for Moqui, which he reached without any special difficulty in July. The Moquis, however, would not admit him to their houses or receive his gifts, cared not for his painting of heaven and hell, and refused to kiss the image of Christ. After passing two nights in the court-yard he wrote a letter for the padre at Zuñi, returned in sorrow to the Yamajabs, or Mojaves, and went down the Colorado, finding his way to Bac in September. His was a wonderful trip, though not very effective in respect of Moqui salvation.20
19 Dominguez and Escalante, Diario y Derrotero, 1776; also incomplete MS. copy in N. Mex., Doc., 1729-56; and in Id., 831-42, a letter of Dominguez in '80, giving a résumé of the trip. See also Hist. Utah and Hist. Colorado, this series, with map. The start was on July 29th, the arrival at Moqui Nov. 16th, and the return to Sta Fe Jan. 3, '77. The Colorado was forded about on the Utah and Ariz. line, or at the corner of the four territories.
23 Garcés (Francisco), Diario y Derrotero que si juió .. . á los pueblos del Moqui de N. Mer .. , 1776. In Doc. Hist. Mex., 2d ser., i. 225 et seq., the Moqui trip being described on pp. 309-37. For some additional details, see chap. xvi. of this vol. on Ariz. history. The padre visited Oraibe, or Muca, and one other pueblo, and he gives a good descrip. of the towns and people. He found a
263
PROVINCIAS INTERNAS.
It was in 1776 that Lieutenant-colonel Antonio Bonilla, of Coahuila, embodied in a formal report, not only a résumé of New Mexico's past history, but his views as to what should be done to avert impending ruin. He believed that as a frontier outpost among gentile tribes who had now lost all the fear and respect inspired by the first conquerors, and who themselves used fire-arms and horses, the holding of the province had an importance far beyond its direct value as a Spanish possession, since if it were lost the savage hordes would direct their whole force against Nueva Vizcaya and Sonora. Therefore a vigorous warfare should be waged by veteran troops from New Mexico as a centre.21
It was also in 1776-7 that the northern provinces of Mexico were organized as the Provincias Internas, under the Caballero de Croix as comandante general, independent of the viceroy. This change and the fol- lowing complications of the military and civil status of the various districts have but slight direct bearing on New Mexico, simply depriving the governor of his title of captain-general, and making him subordinate at times to the comandante general instead of the vice- roy, and they cannot be properly presented here in the
Zuñi Ind. who could speak Spanish, as could some of the Moquis. His letter to the Zuñi padre of July 3d is copied in N. Mex., Doc., MS., 828-30. It does not appear that Escalante received it before starting on his northern trip. In Fernandez Duro, Not., 141, is cited a letter. Garcés, Exped. desde Sta Fé & Cal., etc., in the Acad. Hist.
21 Bonilla (Antonio), Apuntes Históricos sobre el N. Mex., 1776, MS. in N. Mer., Doc., 327-81; also as a preface to N. Mex., Cédulas, MS. Besides the sending of veteran troops, B. recommends as necessary measures the reforma- tion of Span. settlements in compact form, the organization of the militia, a garrison at Robledo without reducing the Sta Fé force, the execution of ex- isting orders respecting the Paso del Norte district, and more careful treat- ment of the Christian Ind., perhaps including measures of secularization to get rid of the friars. B. dil not favor the presidio at Taos, because he thought it better to spend money at present on active measures rather than on permanent establishments.
Morfi, Viaje de Indios y Diario del N. Mex., is misleading in its title. It is a diary of the visita of the Caballero de Croix in '77, but does not include N. Mex., at least as printed in Doc. Hist. Mex., 3d ser., iv. 305. In Nov. '77 there was a fight with the Comanches and Apaches, who in one of their raids had killed 11 persons, and who now lost 30 killed and 40 horses. The gov. was ordered to make peace, if possible, with the Comanches, so as to use them against the Apaches. Arch. Sta Fé, MS .; MSS. in Pinart col.
264
LAST HALF OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
space at my command; yet, as they are in a general sense an essential part of the history of all the northern regions, I refer the reader to the annals of Nueva Viz- caya and Sonora in the last quarter of the century, as compactly presented in another volume of this series.22
Governor Mendinueta retired in March 1778, leav- ing Francisco Trebol Navarro in command as acting governor;23 but before the end of the year a successor came, in the person of Lieutenant-colonel Juan Bautista de Anza, as political and military governor.24 Anza, whose Californian expeditions have been noticed, was a native of Sonora, a man of excellent ability and character, and of wide experience in Indian warfare. He seems to have proved in every way worthy of the Caballero de Croix's high esteem; yet with all his energy he effected but slight change for the better in New Mexican affairs. His first recorded enterprise was a campaign against the Comanches with a force of 645 men, including 85 soldiers and 259 Indians. His course was north and north-east for some 95 leagues, and the result was the killing of Cuerno Verde, the famous Comanche chieftain, with four of his lead- ing sub-chiefs, his high-priest, his eldest son and heir, and 32 of his warriors.25
22 See Hist. North Mex. States, i. 636-91.
23 March 14, '78, Gov. Mendinueta's instruc. to his successor. MS. in the Pinart col. Ind. affairs and care of the presidio horses demand chief atten- tion. There is no use in pursuing Ind., unless there is a possibility of catch- ing them. Pecos aud Galisteo as frontier posts require special care. The Yutas have been at peace, and pains should be taken to keep them so, no at- tention being paid to petty offences. The Navajos are at peace, but are said to join the Gileno Apaches in raids. No peace should be made with the Apaches, but always war. The Comanches should be drawn to peace, but never trusted, for their custom is to be at peace with Taos and at war with other parts. In the Arch. Sta Fé, MS., and Pinart col. are several minor commun. of Croix and Rubio to the gov. on details of Ind. policy. In the same year P. Escalante writes very sensibly on Teguayo, which is the Yuta country, shown by ruins and pottery to have been once the home of pueblo Ind., the stories of white bearded men in the N. w. being proven false by E.'s late trip; also on Quivira, which is nothing more wonderful than the Panana, or Pawnee villages. Doc. Hist. Mex., 3d ser., iv. 124-6; Fernandez Duro, Not., 146-7.
24 Anza was appointed in June '77. Cédulario, MS., iii. 9. The date of his arrival does not appear; but he signs orders in Jan. and Feb. '79. Arch. Sta Fé, MS. One doc. seems to show him in com. in June '78. Davis and Prince make his rule begin in '80.
" Anza (Juan B.), Diario de la Expedicion que sale ú practicar contra la na-
265
RULE OF GOVERNOR ANZA.
Back from this campaign, Governor Anza gave his attention to the Moquis. A failure of crops had re- duced that people to such straits that the time was deemed most favorable for their conversion, even Christianity being perhaps preferable to starvation. Many of them were said to have abandoned their towns to seek food in the mountains and among the Navajos, and these fugitives were reported as disposed to submit, though the others still preferred death. It was feared that if something were not done now all the Moquis might quit pueblo life and join the hostile gentiles. Anza wrote repeatedly to Croix on the prospects, enclosing letters from the padres, and ad- vising that an effort should be made either to establish missionaries at the towns, which would require some additional force, or to induce the natives to migrate en masse and settle in new pueblos nearer the Spanish
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