USA > Arizona > History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, Volume XVII > Part 13
USA > New Mexico > History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, Volume XVII > Part 13
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IT was in November 1582, before anything was known in Mexico of Espejo's proposed expedition from Nueva Vizcaya, that Viceroy Coruña reported to the king the result of his investigation respecting the en- trada and probable fate of Rodriguez and his compan- ion friars.1 In this report he enclosed for the royal guidance a communication from Don Rodrigo del Rio de Losa, lieutenant captain-general of Nueva Galicia, who had been consulted as a man "de mucha expe- riencia en entradas," having served with Arellano in Florida and with Ibarra in Nueva Vizcaya. Don Rodrigo wrote on the supposition that the people of New Mexico were now hostile, and urged that a suffi- cient force should be sent to punish the murderers of the friars, and to inspire such respect for Spanish arms as would prevent future outrages and revolts. The number of soldiers should not be less than 300,
I Nov. 1, '82, viceroy to king. N. Mex. Testim., 97-9.
(92)
93
VIEWS OF RIO DE LOSA.
with seven mules and horses for each man. For after the recent murders had been avenged, and the coun- try reduced to a state of peace, a few settlers being left, it should be the main object of the expedition to continue its march across the buffalo plains to Quivira and beyond, even to the shores of the north or south sea, or to the "strait which is near China, in latitude 57°," the occupation of which by the French or Eng- lish might thus be prevented. With this view, mate- rial for building two small ships should be carried, for the crossing of rivers or straits, or perhaps the send- ing back of news respecting any great discovery. Details of the necessary outfit are suggested; friars must of course be sent with the explorers; and it would be well to encourage the officers and men by release from taxation, offers of titles, and liberal enco- miendas of New Mexican Indians.2 The result was a royal order of March 1583, in which the viceroy was instructed to make a contract with some suitable per- son to undertake the expedition in accordance with the laws and regulations, without cost to the royal treasury ; but the contract must be submitted to the consejo for approval before anything was actually done.3
Then came Beltran and Espejo, bringing reports calculated to increase the growing interest in New Mexico and the regions beyond. The people were not hostile, but well disposed to welcome Spanish visitors ; the country in its climate and products presented many attractions for settlers from the south; though the natives made no use of the precious metals, ores rich in silver had been found at several points, and the · development of profitable mines might with confidence be hoped for. The spiritual prospects were even more brilliant than the mineral, for 250,000 natives of supe- rior intelligence were awaiting conversion; and es-
2 No date. Rio de Losa to viceroy. N. Mex. Testim., 137-46.
3 March 29 and April 19, '83. Pacheco, Doc., xv. 100; xvi. 297. The order was received in Mex. in August.
94
FRUITLESS PROJECTS.
pecially, to say nothing of the long-coveted wealth of Quivira in the north-east easily accessible from New Mexico as a base, a great lake and broad river, with populous towns and plenty of gold, afforded a new incentive to exploring effort in the north-west. And moreover, it would seem to have been about this time that fears of foreign encroachment in these regions were renewed by the statement of Padre Diego Mar- quez, who had fallen into the hands of 'gente lute- rana,' and had been closely questioned at the English court respecting his knowledge of the north. This he made known to the authorities in Mexico, who felt that something must be done to prevent this fair land from falling into the hands of impious Lutherans.4
The first to take advantage of the king's order was Cristóbal Martin, a vecino of Mexico, who in October 1583, probably with knowledge of Padre Beltran's return, applied to the audiencia for a contract to under- take the conquest and settlement of New Mexico in accordance with the late cédula and earlier ordinances. He was willing to fit out an expedition of 200 or 300 men, and to spend $50,000 in the enterprise. He desired a missionary force of six Franciscans, besides two secular clergymen; and asked to be supplied with certain arms and ammunition; but otherwise the en- trada was to be at his own cost. There was, however, nothing small about Don Cristóbal's demands. Though full of faith and loyalty, he could not afford to save souls and win for his king new provinces at his own cost for nothing. He must have the position of cap- tain-general and governor of the new reino for himself and family during three lives; the right to distribute as encomiendas to his men all the natives of the con- quered towns and provinces for ten lives; the authority to appoint and remove all officials, and to grant lands; a reduction of the king's fifth to one twentieth of the
4 Villagra, Hist. N. Mex., 36. Rio de Loza, 139, had declared the im- portance of occupying N. Mex., to prevent ' que otras naciones de franceses ó ingleses luteranos no la ocupen.'
95
MARTIN'S PROJECTED CONQUEST.
product of mines for 100 years; the privileges of hijos- dalgo for the conquistadores and their descendants; exemption from taxation on all products for 100 years; free use of the salinas for the three lives; the chief judicial authority as governor; the right to discover and settle for 1,000 leagues beyond the first New Mexican towns, to occupy ports on either ocean, and to trade with two ships from one of these ports with- out paying duties; the right to call on the viceroy for additional men and supplies by paying the costs; the right to found a mayorazgo, or entail, for his heirs, with sufficient revenue to perpetuate the family name and glory ; and many other things which need not be catalogued here. These conquerors of the sixteenth century took great risks, regulating their demands accordingly; and as the burden was to fall on the Indians mainly, the king was often most liberal in his concessions. From October to December, Martin several times renewed his petition, and it would ap .. pear that his contract was finally approved by the Mexican authorities and sent to the consejo de Indias for confirmation.5
Espejo himself was next in the field as an aspirant for New Mexican glory, plausibly claiming that his recent service, experience, and success clearly pointed to him as above all others entitled to preference. But Don Antonio proposed no contract with the Mexican authorities. From motives of pride or policy6 he chose to apply directly to the king; indeed, he urged most earnestly that the viceroy should have nothing
5 Martin, Asiento con Cripstobal Martin por el que se ofrece á ir en persona al descubrimiento, pacificacion, y poblacion del Nuevo Mexico, bajo las condiciones que expone .- Mexico á 26 de Octubre de 1583. In Pacheco, Doc., xvi. 277-301. This is the testimonio, or expediente, of the Mexican proceedings sent to Spain at a date not given, but soon after Dec. 24th, when the transcript is certified. It does not appear in these doc. that the contract was signed; but at the beginning M. says that 'él fué el primero que capitulo é asentó en vir- tud de una Real Cédula de V. A., el negocio de la poblacion y descobrimiento del N. Mex., y fue remitido a Vuestra Real Consejo de Yndias.'
6 Perhaps he had reason to suppose that the viceroy would not favor him. Indeed, there is a slight reference in one of his letters to a part of his estate as embargada, or attached, which may indicate troubles with the authorities of Nueva España.
96
FRUITLESS PROJECTS.
to do with the enterprise. This, in the empresario's opinion, was absolutely essential to prevent ruinous wrangles and delays, wars and outrages on the natives, or dissensions and desertions among officers and men; and to insure the safe, speedy, and economical transformation of New Mexico into a flourishing community of tribute-paying subjects of Spain. In his original report of October 1583, summing up what he had accomplished, Espejo expressed his de- sire to spend his life and fortune in the king's service, at the same time announcing that he had brought from the north a native of Mohoce, and another of the Tanos, who might be trained for useful service as interpreters. In a letter to the archbishop he also made known his intention to apply for a royal com- mission to conquer and settle the country he had visited, and to explore the regions beyond, even to the ocean coasts on either side.7 Accordingly in April 1584, he authorized his son-in-law, Pedro Gon- zalez de Mendoza, about to start for Spain, with Bonilla and Barbadillo already at Madrid, to repre- sent him at court, and obtain in his name the "con- quista y pacificacion y gobernacion" of the provinces of New Mexico, or Nueva Andalucia, "which prov- inces I have discovered and taken possession of in the name of his Majesty." At the same time were for- warded a copy of his Relacion, and his formal petition, including a plan of his proposed operations. The expedition was to consist of 400 men, for the most part recruited in Spain, 100 of them with wives and children, to be organized in four companies. The men were to be well supplied with all they could need,
" Espejo, Relacion, 124-6; Id., Expediente y Relacion, 162-3, 186-9. This latter collection, in Pacheco, Doc., xv. 151-91, is a continuation of the N. Mex., Testimonio, and might as well be included in it, though in print it has a separate title-indeed, two of them, the first being Expediente sobre el ofrecimiento que hace Fran. Diaz de Vargas, etc., though it contains nothing about V. The contents are: Ist, three undated communications (1584) of Espejo to the king, the last being his formal petition, p. 151-63; 2d, a copy of the Espejo, Relacion (as sent to the king with the petition), p. 163-89; 3d, April 23, '84, appointment of an agent, p. 189-91. There is another letter of E. to the king (April 23, '89), in N. Mex., Testim., 100-1.
97
ESPEJO'S PLAN.
either as soldiers or settlers; and besides the cavalry horses required, large droves of mares, cattle, and sheep were to be provided. Spiritual interests of the new reino would be intrusted to twenty-four Fran- ciscans. The entry would be made in two divisions, one going by the Rio del Norte, and the other, with the live-stock and wagons, by the Rio de Vacas. The garrison and families would at first be stationed in the vicinity of Acoma. In dealing with the natives, a conciliatory policy of justice and peace was to be strictly followed. In carrying out the scheme, Es- pejo was ready to expend over 100,000 ducats, be- sides the 10,000 he had already spent; he had twenty associates of considerable wealth; and he would give bonds in the sum of $200,000. The reward claimed for his devotion to the royal interests-"much less than what your Majesty promises in the ordenanzas," yet doubtless including the capitanía general and governorship, with privileges, titles, land-grants, en- comiendas, and other emoluments for himself and associates-was to be made known in a supplemen- tary memorial, which, as far as I know, is not extant. There are some indications that Don Antonio went in person to Spain to urge his claims.8
It does not clearly appear that anything was known in Mexico of Espejo's proposed conquest; but it is probable that respecting this project or that of Martin, some additional investigation was ordered, and Fran- cisco Diaz de Vargas-alguacil mayor and regidor of Puebla-called upon for his views. At any rate, Don Francisco found occasion about this time to address the king on this subject.º He began by presenting a brief résumé of northern exploration from the time of Cortés down to the date of writing; and from that résumé he concluded that where so many able explorers had failed to find anything worth retaining,
8 (April 1584.) Espejo's petition to the king, in Espejo, Exped. y Rel., 152-63.
9 No date (1584-5). Vargas to king, in N. Mex. Testim., 126-37. Espejo's entrada is mentioned, but not his new project.
HIST. ARIZ. AND N. MEX. 7
9S
FRUITLESS PROJECTS.
the presumption was, that the country was poor and undesirable. Doubtless the New Mexicans were a superior people; yet notwithstanding their agricul- ture, cotton, buffalo-skins, and many-storied stone and adobe dwellings, they were a distant, isolated commu- nity, surrounded for hundreds of leagues by wild and warlike tribes, and their country therefore offered at present but slight inducements for Spanish settlers. As the latest reports, however, were more favorable than earlier ones, as there was a prospect of rich mines, and since it was desirable to learn what foun- dation there might be for the reports of wealth be- yond New Mexico, and especially what connection the great lake and river might have with the strait of Anian, it seemed advisable to send out an expedition -not of colonization and conquest, but simply of ex- ploration. For this purpose a force of 50 or 60 men would suffice to verify the recent reports, push inves- tigation 200 leagues farther north, and report results. These were sensible views, and Diaz de Vargas had the courage of his convictions; for in his patriotic zeal, mindful, not only of his own past services in high positions, but of those of his father, who was one of the old conquistadores, he even offered-and here we have at last the true inwardness of the document-to command the exploring party in person! And later, should the preliminary survey prove satisfactory, Don Francisco, accepting the titles and emoluments in such cases provided, would himself take charge of the great work of conquering and colonizing New Mexico.
Thus we have three empresarios in the field; and it is not unlikely that there were others. But respect- ing the fate of the different projects, or rather the circumstances that prevented their acceptance and execution, we know absolutely nothing; or at least I have found no document relating to either of the propositions after they were sent to the king and council. Perhaps the empresarios' demands were deemed excessive, or they could give no satisfactory
99
COLONIZATION SCHEME OF LOMAS.
assurances of their ability to comply with the condi- tions of the contracts, or were not willing to accept the conditions, or perhaps died; at any rate, noth- ing more is heard of Martin, or Espejo, or Diaz de Vargas; and for five years nothing is heard of New Mexico.
At the beginning of 1589 Juan Bautista de Lomas y Colmenares, resident at the Nieves mines, and re- puted to be the richest man in Nueva Galicia, pre- sented to Viceroy Villamanrique a memorial of 37 articles, in which he proposed to undertake the con- quest of New Mexico. He was much more exacting in his conditions than even Martin had been, demand- ing, besides all that the latter had claimed and much more that cannot be specified in the space at my command, the office of captain-general and governor, with almost unlimited authority for six lives, at a sal- ary of 8,000 ducats; jurisdiction over all territory beyond the Rio Conchos, with the exclusion of all other conquerors from the territory beyond what he might choose to conquer; the title of count or marqués for himself and descendants, with 40,000 vassals; the privilege of granting three pueblos as an entailed en- comienda, and another for the descendants of conquis- tadores not otherwise provided for; and the right to fortify ports and build ships on either ocean. His sons were associated with him in the enterprise, and Don Juan Bautista evidently had no intention of sac- rificing the family prestige and wealth. He claimed to have rendered most important services at his own expense on the northern frontier.10
Lomas' contract was approved by the viceroy on the 11th of March, 1589; but the latter, though it. appears that by a cédula of 1586 he had full powers to authorize entradas, deemed it best to consult the king
10 Lomas, Asiento y capitulaciones que el virey de la Nueva España, marqués de Villamanrique, hizo con Joan Bautista de Lomas Colmenares, sobre el descubri- miento y Poblacion de las provincias del Nuevo México á 15 de Febrero de 1589, in Pacheco, Doc., xv. 54-80. This is a copy of the expediente sent from Mexico in 1592, and attached to Lomas' renewed petition of 1595.
100
FRUITLESS PROJECTS.
in so important a matter; and at court the project re- ceived no attention whatever, or at least it drew out from the king no order or response. In 1592, Velasco, having succeeded Villamanrique as viceroy, Lomas attempted to revive the matter, but could obtain noth- ing more than a certified copy of the preceding docu- ments. For it seems that Velasco favored another claimant, and made a new contract with Francisco de Urdiñola.11 Before the latter could begin operations, however, he was arrested by order of the audiencia of Guadalajara on a charge of poisoning his wife-a charge which Villagrá in a burst of poetic indignation declares to have been founded only on invidia venenosa ; and during subsequent legal complications New Mex- ican affairs were naturally neglected. Once more in 1595 Don Juan Bautista made an effort to obtain from the king an order to Viceroy Monterey to renew his contract with such modifications as might be deemed desirable; but nothing more is heard of his project or its author.12
While the several empresarios named were vainly striving to obtain from the king legal authority to win fame and wealth in the north, another deter- mined to take a short cut to glory by undertaking an entrada without the royal license. This was Gaspar Castaño de Sosa, who had been alcalde mayor at San Luis Potosí in 1575, and in 1590 was acting as lieu- tenant-governor of Nuevo Leon. He claimed some kind of authority for his expedition; but it is evident from subsequent events that his acts were regarded as irregular and illegal. I suspect that he may have been duly authorized to explore and colonize the Nuevo Leon region, and that he was led by Espejo's
11 About this time Urdiñola seems to have been sent with a Tlascaltec colony to Coahuila. Hist. North Mex. St., i. 126-7. He was later gov. of N. Galicia, according to Villagrá.
12 Villagrá, Hist. N. Mer., 36-8, briefly mentions Lomas' project and Ur- diñola's contract. Modern writers do not mention this or the preceding ones of Vargas, Espejo, and Martin.
101
CASTAÑO DE SOSA.
reports to transfer, without special license from king or viceroy, his efforts to a more promising field. The name of Cristóbal Martin among his associates is also suggestive. Respecting the preliminaries of the ex- pedition, little or nothing is known; but the original diary has fortunately been preserved.13
The start was on the 27th of July, 1590, from the villa de Almaden, wherever that may have been- probably somewhere in Nuevo Leon-and the force was over 170 persons including women and children.14 A wagon train was laden with supplies deemed need- ful for a new settlement. In two days the company reached the Rio de Nadadores, remaining ten days; and, mentioning also the Sabinas and several streams not found on any modern map, they arrived on the 9th of September at the Rio Bravo, where they spent the rest of the month, awaiting the return of messen-
13 Castaño de Sosa, Memoria del descubrimiento que Gaspar Castaño de Sosa, teniente de gobernador y capitan general del nuevo reino de Leon por el rey D. Felipe nuestro señor, va a hacer, al cumplimiento de las provisiones que el dicho gobernador les han concedido, y á él como su lugar teniente, como mas largamente se verá por la dicha provision é cédulas reales y libro de nuevas leyes de pobladores concedidas á todos los vecinos del dicho reino, etc., etc., in Pacheco, Doc., iv. 283-354; Id., xv. 191-261. From the Muñoz collection, and at the end, was a note as follows: 'Hizose relacion dello, y vióse por los Señores del Consejo en 10 de Noviembre de 1592-Sant Andrés.' It would seem to be a copy of the original diary made in some official book of records, probably in connec- tion with legal difficulties in which the leader became involved.
It is a somewhat perplexing narrative; long, verbose, and complicated; re- quiring close study, but rewarding that study with only the most meagre general results. If a man lost his way, we have all the details of his wander- ing back to camp; we know exactly the day and hour when the dog of Juan Perez was killed by the kick of an ox; we have all the discussions and diplo- matic manœuvres resulting from a difference of opinion as to whether a bushel of corn might safely be distributed as rations; but we rarely find the course or distance of a day's journey. Were it not for the vicinity of two great rivers, the reader might be in doubt whether the travellers were going north- west in Guatemala or south-east in New England.
14 The following names appear scattered in the narrative, evidently those of leading men in the company: Cris. de Heredia (captain and maestro de campo), Andrés Perez (secretary), Manuel de Medreras, Fran. Lopez de Re- calde, Juan de Carbajal, Juan de Contreras, Domingo de Santistévan, Diego Diaz de Verlanda, Alonso Jaimes y Ponce, Fran. de Mancha, Fran. Salado, Juan Perez de los Rios, Martin de Salazar, Juan Rodriguez de Nieto, Pedro Flores, Blas Martinez de Mederos, Cris. Martin, Jusepe Rodriguez, Juan de Estrada, Gonzalo de Lares, Diego de Biruega, Cris. de Biruega, Pedro de Iñigo, Juan Rodriguez de Avalos, Hernan Ponce de Leon, Pedro Pinto, Juan de Vega, Alonso Lúcas, Domingo Hernandez, Fran. de Bascones, and Juan Sanchez.
102
FRUITLESS PROJECTS.
gers who had been sent to Mexico,15 and making' some explorations for a later advance. It was decided to go forward by way of the Rio Salado, a stream whose existence seems to have been known, though just how it was known or what was the origin of the name does not appear.
Here on the Rio Bravo their troubles began. After receiving conflicting reports from several exploring parties they started on the 1st of October for the Rio Salado. To find a way for the wagons over a rough country and across intermediate streams-the princi- pal one being called the Rio de Lajas-to the river which was the object of their search, and to get out of the mountains into the plains, consumed most of the month; and only at the end of October did they start up the valley of the Salado to their land of promise. I make no attempt to trace their wander- ings of this month in Coahuila and Texas, or even to determine where they crossed the Bravo, or Rio Grande; but content myself with the conclusion that the Salado was without doubt Espejo's Cow River, or the Pecos. 16
Slowly the caravan crept up the valley and over
15 They were sent about Aug. 21st with letters to the viceroy, but they did not return. Probably this corresp. with the viceroy would throw much light on Castaño's enterprise. Possibly he wrote to obtain authority for a change of plans involving the trip to N. Mex.
16 The narrative is too long and complicated for a study of details here, especially as the travellers were not yet in N. Mex. territory. The most defimte statement is on p. 289, while they were on the Bravo. One explor. party had found a stream which it could not cross; then Capt. Heredia was sent out 'el cual salió en demanda del dicho rio Salado, y llegó al rio que estaba descubierto [that is, by the earlier party] y halló paso en el dicho rio para poder pasar las carretas, porque hasta entonces no se habia hallado. Y descubierto el dicho paso, fué atravesando aquella lomería que había hasta el rio Bravo, y llegó al dicho rio Bravo; y se volvió al dicho real, diciendo que por alli podiamos pasar y ir atravesando al rio Salado.' But they found many difficulties in following this road; the fording the Bravo is not clearly recorded; and after they reached the region of the Salado it took many days to get down to its banks. The Sabinas of Coahuila is called the Salado on many maps, but of course the idea of following this river up to N. Mex. is absurd. That Castaño did not go up the Bravo is shown by his efforts while on that river to find the other; by the broad sabanas, or plains, over which the route lay; and by the statement that a spring far up the Salado, p. 306, was the first since leaving the Bravo. Perhaps they crossed in the region of Fort Duncan, and the Lajas was the S. Pedro in Texas.
103
UP THE RIO PECOS.
the broad Texan plains, at first on the eastern bank of the river, but later crossing and recrossing it often, with no incident calling for mention, meeting a few roaming Indians, and passing no settlements. The Ist of December an unfordable branch stream forced them to cross to the eastern bank of the main river. On the 7th was noticed the first grove of cottonwoods. On the 23d a small advance party returned to meet the main body with exciting news. They had entered a pueblo farther up the river, eastward, where they had been kindly received, and had spent the night there; but the next morning while engaged in peace- ful efforts-if we take their word for it-to collect a supply of maize, they were suddenly attacked and driven away, losing a part of their arms and luggage, and having three of their number wounded.
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