USA > Arizona > History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, Volume XVII > Part 28
USA > New Mexico > History of Arizona and New Mexico, 1530-1888, Volume XVII > Part 28
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+ Original corresp. of gov., viceroy, etc., in Arch. Sta Fé, MS .; Tamaron, Visita, MS., 97-8.
246
FIRST HALF OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
to the Jesuits was a thorn in the flesh of the Francis- cans. Their great achievement to prevent the change was the entrada of 1742, in which 441 apostates were recovered, as already related ; but they continued their efforts, mainly with the pen, the venerable Delgado being the leading spirit. In 1743, and again in 1744, they wished to make a new entrada, but, as they claimed, could not get the governor's permission and aid. In 1745, however, padres Delgado, Irigoyen, and Juan José Toledo got the required license, with an escort of 80 Indians under an ex-soldier, and vis- ited all the Moqui towns, counting 10,846 Indians, who listened gladly to their preaching. Of course they made the most of their success, ridiculed the idea that the natives had expressed a preference for the padres prietos instead of the padres azules, and they even sent in glowing reports on the wealth of the Sierra Azul and grandeur of the great city or empire of Teguayo, with a view to reawaken interest in the Northern Mystery. Meanwhile the king was induced to change his mind and to believe that he had been grossly deceived respecting the geographical situation of Moqui, the hostility and power of its people, and the vain efforts of the soldiers and friars to reduce them. Surely, if two missionaries could go alone, with- out a cent of expense to the royal treasury, and bring out 441 converts, the Moquinos could neither be so far off from New Mexico, nor so confirined in their apostasy, as had been represented. So reasoned the king; and in a royal cédula of November 23, 1745, he explained his views, took back all he had said in favor of the Jesuits, and ordered the viceroy to support the Franciscans in every possible way. Thus the azules won the fight, though the Moquis were not much nearer salvation than before. In 1748, however, the rescued Tiguas of 1742, or some of them, were united at Sandía, and their old pueblo was rebuilt at or near its original site.46
46 In '43 P. Delgado not allowed to visit Moqui; sends a Relacion de la Sierra Azul, as gathered from 4 Ind. Menchero, Declaracion, MS., 769-73.
247
NAVAJO MISSIONS.
The Navajos attracted still more attention than the Moquinos. Padres Delgado and Irigoyen started in March 1744 by way of Jemes for the Navajo country, and found the Indians apparently eager to become Christians and receive missionaries, 4,000 of them being 'interviewed.' They promised to come the next full moon to see the governor, and did so, being received with flattery, gifts, and promises of protection, as well as salvation. The padres wrote of this in June; the governor advised the sending of sev- eral new missionaries, and prospects were deemed ex- cellent, though as usual there were vexatious delays. The viceroy ordered a complete investigation; and in 1745 a dozen witnesses formally told the governor all they knew about the Navajos, which was not much. The king heard of the ' conversion' of 5,000 gentiles, and ordered the viceroy to sustain the friars and help along the good work. The viceroy authorized the founding of four missions in the Navajo country, with a garrison of thirty men for their protection. This was in 1746, and Padre Menchero, the visitador, took up the enterprise with much zeal, visiting the gentiles in person, and inducing some 500 or 600 to return with him and settle temporarily at Cebolleta in the Acoma region. The hostile Apache bands in various direc- tions made it impossible, in Governor Codallos' opin- ion, to spare the mission guard required; and a year or two later a bitter war between the Navajos and
'44, D. intends to go in July to bring out the remains of the martyred padres. Moqui, Noticias, MS., 700. June 18, D. writes to his superior on the risks the Jesuits will run in entering Moqui. If they go with soldiers and bluster, all will be lost. N. Mex., Doc., MS., 779-83. Sept. 14, '45, Gov. Codallos at Zuñi permits an entrada, but has no soldiers to spare: Arch. Sta Fé, MS. Visit of the 3 padres in Sept. '45. The Ind. told of Jesuit efforts from Sonora, in which they had been driven back by another trihe (see later chap. on Ariz.). N. Mex., Doc., MS., 786-90. P. Delgado's Noticia del Gran Teguayo, 200 1. N. W. of N. Mex., where the padre proposes to go the next year. Id., 790-5. Royal cédula of Nov. 23, '45, in N. Mex., Céd., MS., 49- 54. It is a long doc., in which the king gives a long account of preceding or- ders, etc. Refounding of Sandía (Dolores) in '48, at the petition of P. Men- chero. Arch. Sta Fé, MS .; Prince's Hist. Sk., 38; Meline's 2,000 Miles, 214-20. In Menchero, Informe 1749, MS., the writer says he had not yet been able to visit Moqui, as he had intended; but that the natives had 3 times come to Sandía to ask him when he was coming to bring them away from their apos- tasy.
248
FIRST HALF OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
their foes, the Yutas and Chaguaguas, interfered with the conversion of the former. Accordingly, in 1749, in response to Menchero's petitions, a new governor advised, what a new viceroy approved, the founding of the missions, not in the far north or Navajo country proper, but in the Acoma district; and this was done, some additions being made to the converts already there, and two missions of Cebolleta and Encinal being established, under padres Juan de Lezaun and Manuel Bermejo. All went well for a very brief time; but in the spring of 1750 there was trouble, which Lieutenant-governor Bernardo An- tonio de Bustamante, with the vice-custodio, Padre Manuel de San Juan Nepomuceno de Trigo, went to investigate. Then the real state of affairs became apparent. Padre Menchero had been liberal with his gifts, and still more so with promises of more; hence his success in bringing the Navajos to Cebo- lleta. But they said they had not received half the gifts promised, and their present padres-against whom they had no other complaint-were too poor to make any gifts at all. What, then, had they gained by the change ? At any rate, pueblo life and Christianity had no charms for them, and they were determined not to remain. They would still be friends of the Spaniards and trade with them, and would always welcome the friars, who might even baptize and teach their children; perhaps the little ones might grow up to like a different life, but as for themselves, they had been born free, like the deer, to go where they pleased, and they were too old to learn new ways. Indeed, they took a very sensible view of the situation. Thus stood the matter in 1750, and the Navajo conversion was a failure. 47
47 In '43 a Christian Apache reported a mountain of silver in the Navajo country, and a large party went to find it, without success; indeed, the Navajos had never heard of it. Codallos, Reduccion, MS. Entrada of '44. Arch. Sta Fé, MS .; also letters of PP. Delgado and Irigoyen, in N. Mex., Doc., MS., 692-704, 777, etc. Delgado gave away his clothes, and begs his supe- rior for more-old ones, not new-so that he may with decency meet people. He thinks his late achievements will shut the mouths of the bishop and Jesuits
249
INDIAN AFFAIRS.
Of the Yutas and Apaches during this period we know nothing definitely, except that in most years they gave trouble in one way or another; but respect- ing the Comanches our information is somewhat less incomplete. In June 1746 they made a raid on Pecos, killing 12 inhabitants of that pueblo, and also committed hostilities at Galisteo and elsewhere. The popular clamor for a campaign against them was great, and the governor asked for increased powers. The auditor in Mexico made a long report in October on the preliminary efforts that must be made before war could be legally waged, and corresponding in- structions were sent by the viceroy. In October 1747 Codallos, with over 500 soldiers and allies, over- took the Comanches with some Yuta allies beyond Abiquiú, and killed 107 of them, capturing 206, with nearly 1,000 horses. Four Yuta captives were shot. In January 1748, with a smaller force, he repulsed the foe at Pecos, though with some loss of Indian allies; yet a month or two later he gave a friendly reception to 600 Comanches at Taos, on their assur- ance that they had taken no part in the war. Later in the year, by the viceroy's orders, a junta was held at Santa Fé to determine whether the Comanches should be permitted to attend the fairs at Taos for purposes of trade. All admitted the unreliable and treacherous character of the tribe; but a majority favored a continuance of trade because the skins, meats, and horses they brought for sale were much needed in the province; and moreover, their presence at the fairs would bring them within Christian in-
at least. Taking of testimony in '45. Codallos y Rabal (Joaquin), Reduccion de los Indios gentiles de la Provincia de Navajo, 1745. Testimonio á la letra de los Autos, etc., MS., in the Pinart col. Royal order of Nov. 23, '45, in N. Mex., Céd., MS., 48-9. Viceroy's order of June 28, '46, and record of later developments, in Arch. Sta Fé, MS. Letters of PP. Mirabal, Irigoyen, and Toledo to their superior on Menchero's efforts. N. Mex., Doc., MS., 795-802. Record of '49, petition of P. Menchero, and orders of gov. and viceroy. Men- chero (Juan Miguel), Peticion sobre Conversion de los Navajóes, con otros papeles, MSS., in the Pinart col. Troubles of '50, with official record of the investiga- tions and report of P. Trigo to Mex. Trigo (Manuel de S. J. N.), Informe sobre las Misiones de la Cebolleta y Encinal y sus acaecimientos en este Año de 1750, MS., in N. Mex., Doc., 1090-1134.
.
250
FIRST HALF OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
fluences, especially the captives they brought for sale, who might otherwise be killed. The governor decided accordingly, against the views of the padre custodio.48
The bishop, who had practically won his case, does not appear to have attempted in these years any exer- cise of his episcopal authority ; but the quarrel started by Crespo's charges was still in progress, as appears from two long reports of 1750. Juan Antonio de Ordenal y Maza in some secular capacity visited New Mexico in 1748-9, and made a report to the viceroy, in which in a general way he represented the padres as neglectful of their duties, oppressive to the Indians, often absent from their posts to engage in trade, neither learning the native dialects nor teaching Spanish to the natives. Don Juan advised that the number of missions should be reduced by consolida- tion, and that some of the Spanish settlements should be put under curates. This being referred to the Franciscan provincial brought out from him a long reply, in which he denies the truth of all the charges, defends his friars, and impugns Ordenal's motives, accusing him of being merely the mouth-piece through which Governor Cachupin expressed his well-known hatred of the padres.49 The other report was one written by Padre Delgado, who had served 40 years at Isleta, and was now in Mexico, being called upon probably to write something that would counterbal- ance current charges against the friars; and the veteran missionary did so with a vengeance. He
48 Güemes y Horcasitas, Medios para la pacificacion de los gentiles Cumanches. Decreto del virey 26 de Oct. 1746, MS., in the Pinart col. Codullos y Rabal, Testimonio á la letra sobre Camanches, 1748, MS., in Arch. Sta Fé.
19 N. Mex., Informe del R. P. Provincial al virey impugnando el que dió con- tra los misioneros de N. Mex. Don Juan de Ordenal y Maza, 1750, in N. Mex., Doc., MS., 1-99. I have not seen Ordenal's report, but its substance is given in this. There is not much of value in the reply; indeed, the writer's main position is that O.'s charges are general, vague, unsupported by evidence, and evidently the work of a man who had no authority, facilities, or ability to make an investigation-in fact, a superficial partisan report worthy of no reply, though he writes a long one. It appears that there had been a contro- versy with the gov., who had claimed the right as vice-patrono to direct changes of friars from mission to mission. Later, in the California missions, the right was recognized, and changes could not be made without the gover- aor's consent.
251
CHARGES AGAINST THE FRIARS.
represented the governors and alcaldes mayores of New Mexico as brutal tyrants, who treated the natives as slaves, forcing them to work without compensation, or accomplishing the same result by appropriating the products of their corn-fields, obliging the friars to keep silent by refusing otherwise to sign the warrants by which their sínodos were collected, and thus driving the converts into apostasy, and effectually preventing the conversion of gentiles. There are indications in other correspondence that Delgado was more or less a 'crank'; and it is certain that in this instance he overshot the mark; for, if true, his charges were in reality almost as damning to the padres who sub- mitted to these atrocities as to the officials who com- mitted them. I have no doubt that the natives here as elsewhere, and to a greater extent than in many provinces, were the victims of oppression from Span- ish officials, many of whom were bent on pecuniary gain, and were favored by their isolated position; but I find in the records nothing to support, and much to contradict, the supposition that the rulers were for the most part blood-thirsty brutes, practically sustained in their rascalities by the Franciscans.50
50 Delgado (Cárlos), Informe que hizo el R. P. á N. R. P. Jimeno sobre las execrables hostilidades y tiranías de los gobernadores y alcaldes mayores contra los indios en consternacion de la custodia, año de 1750, in N. Mex., Doc., MS., 99-128, dated March 27, '50, at Tlatelolco. The alcaldes are creatures of the gov., appointed on condition of making all they can and dividing with the gov. From each pueblo they take a squad of 30 or 40 Ind. to do all their work of tilling the soil, making adobes, building, etc .; others are employed to trade with gentiles and drive live-stock to Chihuahua, none receiving other pay than an occasional handful of tobacco or glass beads. Those left at the pueblos have to weave each year for their oppressors 400 mantas and 400 sábanas, besides tilling their own milpas. When harvest time comes they are forced to transport nearly all their maize to the villas and sell it on credit, the payment of worthless trinkets being in three instalments tarde, mal, y nunca. The Ind. women are used for the gratification of lust. Once, in the padre's presence, a woman came to upbraid the gov. for taking her daughter, whereupon he gave her a buffalo-skin to make it all right. Any slight dis- obedience is punished by the stocks and flogging. In his visits to the gentiles the padre has found apostates generally covered with scars and refusing to be Christians again at such cost. On an unsupported charge of stealing 3 ears of corn an Ind. was shot by orders of a capt. On a march 3 Ind. who were footsore and could not keep up were killed and their children sold as slaves for the commander's profit. For a somewhat similar and famous report from Cal. in 1796, see Hist. Cal., i. 587-97. P. Andrés Varo, who had been twice custodio, came to Mex. in '49 and made a report. He was sent back for a 3d
252
FIRST HALF OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
The standard work of Villaseñor, published in 1748, and the manuscript report of Padre Menchero in 1744, contain some statistics and other general information on the condition of New Mexico about the middle of the century. Descriptive matter cannot be presented in the space at my command, but I append a statistical note. On population Villaseñor and Menchero agree in some points, but differ widely in others. Bonilla,
however, gives a table of 1749 which agrees tolerably well with the general conclusions of the others. The Spanish population was 3,779-too small a figure, I think-and the number of Christian Indians 12,142, besides about 1,400 Spaniards and the same number of Indians at El Paso. This is Bonilla's statement. Villaseñor and Menchero give the population as 536 to 660 families of Spaniards, and 1,428 to 1,570 fami- lies of neophytes, besides 220 and 330 families in the district of El Paso. Mota Padilla's estimate of about 9,500 Spaniards in 1742 was an exaggeration. Of course, many of the so-called Spaniards were of mixed breed. I attach to the statistical note a chronologic list of governors from the beginning down to 1846.51
term, and was still living in '61, having come from Spain in '18. Serrano, Informe, MS., 176-7.
51 Menchero (Juan Miguel), Declaracion, 1744, in N. Mex., Doc., MS., 704-73; Bonilla, Apuntes, MS., 376-81; Villaseñor, Teatro, ii. 409-23. In Span. Empire in America, 89-94, is a slight descrip. of N. Mex. in '47. In what follows the figures in brackets are from Bonilla; those in parentheses from Menchero; the rest chiefly from Villaseñor.
Sta Fé, villa [965 Span., 570 Ind. ], 300 (127) Span. fam. and a few Ind. under a curate (2 PP., M.). Sta Cruz de la Cañada, villa [1,205 Span., 580 Ind., including mission and ranchos], 260 (100) fam .; 1 padre; new church being built in '44. Alburquerque, villa, with suburb of Atrisco and mission [500 Span., 200 Ind.], 100 fam .; 1 padre. Concepcion, or Fuenclara, Span. settlement of 50 fam., under padre of Isleta. M. calls it Gracia Real or later Canadá, from the Canadians who settled here in '40; not mentioned by B. It was prob. the Tome of '39. The following ranchos are named by M. and V., their pop. being included in B.'s figures: Chama, 17 fam., and Sta Rosa Abi- quiú, or Rosa Hawicuii, 20 fam., under padre of S. Ildefonso; Ojo Caliente, 46 fam., and 4 other ranchos 10 fam., under padre of Taos; Soldedad, 40 fam., under padre of S. Juan, 7 1 .; Embudo, 8 fam., under padre of Picuries; Bocas, 10 fam., under padre of Sta Ana; and Alameda, 8 fam., under padre of Albur- querque. Few of these are named by V.
Missions, each with one padre, including some ranchos of Span .: Taos [125 Span., 541 Ind.], 80 (170) fam .; with an alcalde mayor; the mission of Jicarilla, 5 l. N., being abandoned in '44. Picuries [64, 322], 80 fam. S. Juan [346, 404], 60 fam. Sta Cruz, included in La Cañada. S. Ildefonso and its
253
STATISTICS AND LIST OF GOVERNORS.
visita, Sta Clara [89, 631], 100 fam, Tesuque and Pujuaque [507 Ind. ], 50 and 18 (30) fam., both visitas of Sta Fé. Nambé [100, 350], 50 fam. Pecos (1,000 Ind.), 125 fam .; curate, V .; 2 padres, M .; fine church and convent. Galisteo [350 Ind.], 50 fam .; ranchos. Cochití [25, 400], 85 (80) fam .; ranchos. Sto Domingo [300 Ind.], 50 (40) fam. S. Fclipe [70, 400]. 60 (70) fam .; ranchos. Jemes [574 Ind.], 100 fam. Sta Ana [100, 606], 50 fam .; on Rio Bernalillo. Cia [100, 606], 50 fam .; 2 ranchos. Laguna [401 Ind.], 60 fam .; 3 ranchos. Acoma [750 Ind.], 110 fam. Zuñi [2,000 Ind.], 150 fam .; 2 padres. Isleta [100, 250], 80 fam. Sandía, not founded till '48, and not mentioned by M. or N. B. gives it a pop. of 400 Ind. in '49.
Tomé, or Valencia-called by V. Genizaros, made up of ill-treated neo- phytes-is mentioned by M. as a settlement of 40 Ind. fam., who were cap- tives of the Apaches and Comanches, sold to the Span., and released from servitude by the gov. in '40 to form this visita of Isleta, being 2 l. s. of that mission. Sce note 39 of this chap. for origin of another Tomé. The El Paso establishments, presidio, and 5 missions, not included in the figures of my text, included about 220 Span, fam. and 330 Ind. fam. [1,428 Span., 1,431 Ind. in '49. Bonilla]. Villaseñor tells us there were a few unprofitable and abandoned mines in the country; the Ind. rode horseback and saluted the Span. with ' Ave Maria '; the route up the river to Alburquerque was infested with savages; and there was some trade via El Paso, where fairs were held.
In '48 P. Juan José Perez Mirabal was custodio; Man. Zambrano vice-cus- todio and ex-visitador; Man. Sopeña discreto and min. of Sta Clara; Ant. Gabaldon ex-visitador, discreto, and min. of Sta Cruz; Juan Ant. Ereiza ex-vice-cust. at S. Ildefonso; Ant. Zamora at Nambé; Juan Martinez, sec .; Toledo at Zuñi; Irigoyen at Alburquerque; and Delgado at Isleta. Arch. Sta Fé. Additional padres named by Menchero in the reports of '50, some of them doubtful, were Andres Varo, cust., Pedro Pino, Man. Bermejo, Mig. Colluela, José Urquiros, José Tello, Marcelino Alburn, Ant. Roa, Fran. Con- cepcion Gonzalez, Trigo, Guzman.
List of Span. and Mex. governors and captain-generals of N. Mex .:
Juan de Oñate, 1598-1608.
Pedro de Peralta, 1608-
Felipe Zotylo, (1621-8).
Manuel de Silva, 1629.
Juan Paez Hurtado, acting, 1704-5.
Fern. de Argüello, 1640 (?).
Luis de Rosas, 1641. Valdés, (1642).
Alonso Pacheco de Heredia, 1643.
Fern. de Arguello, 1645.
Luis de Guzman, (1647).
Hernando de Ugarte y la Concha, 1650.
Juan de Samaniego, 1653-4.
Enrique de Avila y Pacheco, 1656.
Bernardo Lopez de Mendizábal, to 1661.
Diego de Peñalosa Briceño, 1661-4.
Fern. de Villanueva.
Juan de Medrano.
Juan de Miranda.
Juan Francisco de Treviño, 1675.
Antonio Otermin, 1679-83.
Domingo Jironza Petriz Cruzat, 1683 Gaspar Domingo de Mendoza, 1739- -6.
Pedro Reneros de Posada, 1686-9.
Domingo Jironza Petriz Cruzat, 1689 -91.
Diego de Vargas Zapata Lujan Ponce de Leon, 1691-7.
Pedro Rodriguez Cubero, 1697-1703. Diego de Vargas, etc., marqués de la Nava de Brazinas, 1703-4.
Francisco Cuervo y Valdés, ad int., 1705-7.
José Chacon Medina Salazar y Villa- señor, marqués de la Peñuela, 1707 -12.
Juan Ignacio Flores Mogollon, 1712- 15. Félix Martinez, ad int., 1715-17.
Juan Paez Hurtado, acting, 1717.
Antonio Valverde y Cosío, ad int., 1717-22.
Juan de Estrada y Austria (?), ad int., 1721 (?).
Juan Domingo de Bustamante, 1722- 31.
Gervasio Cruzat y Góngora, 1731-6.
Enrique de Olavide y Michelena, ad int., 1736-9.
43.
Joaquin Codallos y Rabal, 1743-9.
Francisco de la Rocha (appt'd), 1747. Tomás Velez Cachupin, 1749-54.
Francisco Antonio Marin del Valle, 1754-60.
254
FIRST HALF OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
Mateo Antonio de Mendoza, acting, 1760. Manuel Portillo Urrisola, acting, 1761 -2.
Tomás Velez Cachupin, 1762-7.
Pedro Fermin de Mendinueta, 1767-78. Santiago Abreu, 1831-3.
Francisco Trebol Navarro, acting, 1778.
Juan Bautista de Anza, 1778-89.
Manuel Flon (appt'd), 1785.
Fernando de la Concha, 1789-94.
Fernando Chacon, 1794-1805.
Joaquin del Real Alencaster, 1805-8. Alberto Mainez, acting, 1807-8. José Manrique, 1810-14.
Alberto Mainez, 1815-17.
Pedro María de Allande, 1816-18.
Facundo Melgares, 1818-22.
Francisco Javier Chavez, 1822-3. Antonio Vizcarra, 1822-3.
Bartolomé Vaca, 1823-5. Antonio Narbona, 1825-7.
Manuel Armijo, 1827-8.
Antonio Vizcarra, acting, 1828.
José Ant. Chavez, 1828-31.
Francisco Sarracino, 1833-5. Juan Rafael Ortiz, acting, 1834.
Mariano Chavez, acting, 1835.
Albino Perez, 1835-7.
Pedro Muñoz, acting, 1837-8.
José Gonzalez, revolutionary gov., 1837-8.
Manuel Armijo, 1838-46.
Antonio Sandoval, acting, 1841.
Mariano Martinez de Lejanza, acting, 1844-5. José Chavez, acting, 1845.
Juan Bautista Vigil y Alarid, acting, 1846.
CHAPTER XII.
LAST HALF OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY. 1751-1800.
SEQUENCE OF EVENTS-RULE OF CACHUPIN AND MARIN DEL VALLE-INDIAN CAMPAIGNS-MENDOZA AND URRISOLA-COMANCHES-CACHUPIN AOAIN- VISIT OF RUBÍ-FLOOD AT SANTA FE-REGLAMENTO DE PRESIDIOS- MOQUIS-ESCALANTE'S WRITINGS AND EXPLORATIONS-TOUR OF PADRE GARCÉS-BONILLA'S REPORT-PROVINCIAS INTERNAS-GOVERNOR ANZA -- COMANCHE CAMPAIGN OF '79-THE MOQUI FAMINE AND PESTILENCE- FLON, CONCHA, AND CHACON-MORFI ON REFORM-FRIARS VERSUS GOVERNOR-THE MISSION SYSTEM-CONSOLIDATION OF MISSIONS-SECI- LARIZATION-COLLEGE-LIST OF PADRES-INDUSTRIES OF THE PROV- INCE-AGRICULTURE -STOCK-RAISING-TRADE OR BARTER - ANNUAL FAIRS AT TAOS AND CHIHUAHUA-IMAGINARY MONEY-COMMERCIAL EVILS-STATISTICS OF POPULATION AND LOCAL ITEMS.
EXISTING records for these fifty years are much more voluminous, and in several important respects more satisfactory, than for the preceding half-century. They include several general reports of secular and missionary authorities, with statistical information that is comparatively complete. They throw much light on the mission system, on the condition of the pueblo Indians, on the Franciscan friars and their con- troversy with governor and alcaldes mayores, on the commerce and other industries of the province ; but these and other general topics will be detached from the chronologic narrative and presented in a later part of this chapter. As to the series of happenings from year to year-the succession of rulers, campaigns against the various gentile tribes, the never-ending question of Moqui conversion, and occasional com- plaints of impending ruin, with corresponding projects
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256
LAST HALF OF THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY.
by which it might be averted-both events and the record are as before somewhat fragmentary and meagre, though there is little reason to fear that any momentous occurrence has been buried in oblivion.
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