History of California, Volume II, Part 17

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 826

USA > California > History of California, Volume II > Part 17

Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).

160

MISSIONS, PUEBLOS, AND LANDS.

During this decade the missionaries had baptized 22,000, of whom approximately 15,000 were new con- verts and 7,000 the children of neophytes.5 The small- est number baptized in any year was 1,215 in 1809, and the largest was 3,941 in 1803-not only the largest in the decade but in the whole course of mission history. Deaths were 16,000, of whom 6,000 were children of eight years and under. The death-rate was 72 per cent of baptisms and 45 per cent of the original population plus the baptisms. The smallest number of deaths was 1,250 in 1810, and the largest, nearly double the mor- tality of any other year in all the mission annals, was 3,188 in 1806. The total gain in neophyte popula- tion was from 13,500 to 18,800, or 5,300, 39 per cent against 80 per cent for the preceding decade. A dif- ference of 700 may be attributed to runaways. The highest figure of population was 20,355 in 1805, from which figure it varied but very slightly for the next 20 years, 21,066 in 1824 being the highest limit. There were on an average 680 marriages per year solemnized among the Indians, showing an average of not much more than one child to a family.

Cruzado died. Barcenilla, Martiarena, Martinez, and Viñals sailed in Novem- ber or December. Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 63; ix. 60-1. Abella, Carnicer, Gonzalez, Greg. Fernandez, Cortés, Francisco Uría, and García wished to go. Arch. Sta B., MS., xi. 290-1. In 1805 the new-comers were Juan Cabot, Lázaro, Quintana, Saizar, and Zalvidea. The departures were Fernandez, Cortés, Gonzalez, F. J. Uría, and Francisco Farnecio (not a friar), who sailed from San Diego Nov. 6th, on the Princesa. All had worked zealously and completed their term. Id., xi. 75-6; Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 76; ix. 70. Uría came back later. In 1806 came Boscana, Duran, Fortuni, and Saenz, who loft the college Feb. 17th. Arch. Sta B., MS., x. 150. Cueva and Gutierrez sailed for Mexico in November. Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 87; ix. 94. J. A. Uría got license, and the sailing of Abella is mentioned, but he did not go, or if so returned. Id., xii. 89-90. It was in this year also that Santa María died. In 1807 Lázaro died. In 1SOS came Arroyo de la Cuesta and Suñer; while Carnicer, Jose Garcia, and J. A. Uria retired, sailing on the Concepcion and Princesa in November. Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 95; xii. 69. Sitjar and Dulanto died. In 1809 Sarría, Ulibarri, and Rodriguez arrived on the Prin- cesa in June; and Faura and Itúrrate retired in October. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 115, 117. In 1810 the arrivals were Marquinez and Panto; the departures, Carranza and Santiago; and the deaths Ciprés and Landaeta.

5 Not much reliance can be put in accuracy of this division: 12,000 adults were baptized, all of whom were new converts; but of the 10,000 children, from one to eight years of age, it is impossible to say what part were the children of gentile parents. Humboldt, Tablas estadísticas, MS., 7, 40, gives some Californian statistics down to 1803.

161

LIVE-STOCK AND CROPS.

Large live-stock increased from 67,000 head to 141,000, cattle now numbering 121,426, horses and asses 17,444, and mules 1,565. Small stock, chiefly sheep, gained from 86,000 to 157,000. Agricultural products were on an average 83,800 bushels per year, or 4,410 for each mission; largest crop, 112,500 in 1806; smallest, 59,250 in 1809. Of the average 55,230 bushels were wheat; 11,400, barley; 12,360, corn; 1,760, beans; and 3,050, pease and various minor grains. Wheat yielded fourteenfold, and beans the same; bar- ley, fifteenfold; and corn, ninety-twofold. Supplies sold to the presidios amounted to about $18,000 per year.6

Events connected with mission history have been given in their chronological order, and need not be repeated here even en résumé. Beyond the statistical view presented there is very little to be said of de- velopment or change in the Franciscan system or establishments. It was not a period of innovation or controversy, but rather of quiet and gradual prog- ress, inertia, or decadence equally slight and quiet. The old differences between missionary and secular authorities were still open for the most part, but their faint shadows on the records show rather a spirit of mutual concession that of partisan bitterness. Thus the friars performed chaplain service at the presidios without recorded protest, and when the overworked ministers at San Gabriel attempted to avoid the duty at Angeles, the president gave them no support.7 Again in the matter of escorts, Comandante Carrillo with the governor's approval, not only instructed the soldiers of every mission-guard to show respect and give every possible aid to the missionaries, but allowed them when visiting gentiles for religious purposes, not

6 On mission statistics and progress much information, though but a very small part of what I have condensed in the preceding pages, is contained in Lasuen, Informes Bienales, MS., 60-70; Tapis, Informes Bienales, 1803-10, MS. 7 Chapter i. this volume; Arch. Sta B., MS., ix. 181-96. This affair shows a less cordial and submissive spirit on the friar's part toward President Tapis, than had been felt for Lasuen and Serra.

HIST. CAL., VOL. II. 11

162

MISSIONS, PUEBLOS, AND LANDS.

including the recovery of fugitives, to have an escort which might even be absent overnight; and on the other hand the guardian counselled his friars to use all moderation and prudence in their intercourse with the guard, avoiding always harsh words, to which some of the more irascible had been addicted.8

The use of horses by the Indians still increased, and was noticed, more rarely than of old, in official communications. The governor complained that he rarely met a friar without five or six mounted neo- phyte attendants, and his protest was answered with the old conundrum: "How else can the vaqueros' work of the missions be done ?"9 The old strictness about license for retiring missionaries was much re- laxed, and from 1806 the governor even delegated to the comandantes the power to grant such license, when all conditions had been complied with and sub- stitutes were at hand.10 Yet the show of controversy was kept up when occasion demanded it, as when in 1806 the guardian strictly forbade the friars to give any information whatever respecting mission matters to other than Franciscan authorities, not even the viceroy and archbishop being excepted; or when in 1810 the governor was wroth that the guardian had authorized a friar to take a judicial declaration.11 Both parties kept future secularization in view. In 1808 the viceroy reminded the guardian how important it was that the missionaries should not only attend to the spiritual needs of the Indians, but should inspire them with loyalty to the king, and with a desire for

8 1801, Carrillo, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 160; Id., Ben. Mil., xxxiii. 11; Arrillaga, in Prov. Rec., MS., xi. 155-6; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 111-12; Carrillo, Instruccion, 1804, MS .; Gasol, Letras Patentes, 1806, MS. 1803, al- calde of San José ordered to pay the padres for some hides tanned for him by the neophytes without the friars' knowledge. S. José, Arch., MS., iii. 96. At San Antonio the corporal and one of the men were transferred on account of trouble with the minister. Arch. Arzob., MS., ii. 6-8.

9 1806. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 112.

10 Arch. Sta B., MS., vi. 263-5; xi. 72-3; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 16, 19; St. Pap. Sac., MS., i. 58-9, 63; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 119-20.

11 Gasol, Letras Patentes, MS .; Prov. Rec., MS., xii. 102. If the padres will not give food to neophyte prisoners, let them starve! S. José, Arch., MS., iii. 75; Estudillo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., i. 82.

163

CONTROVERSIES.

civilization, thus fitting them for the duties of their future lives as citizens. On the other hand the friars were instructed that the books of deceased associates if kept at the missions must be plainly marked as be- longing to the college so that they might be removed.12 The few troubles about lands and boundaries were not productive of much bitterness except locally, and their settlement shows no great victory for either side. The protest of the friars was sufficient to keep the rancho of La Brea from the possession of Ma- riano Castro. Arrillaga, on the ground that he was only temporary ruler, refused to disturb the occupants of Buenavista. The quarrel at Mission San José was due chiefly to the obstinacy of Duran, and in one case at least at Purísima a friar admitted that a rancho in private hands had been a blessing rather than a curse to the mission.

Respecting the treatment of the neophytes there were no serious charges or scandals during this decade; and two official documents did much to remove a pop- ular feeling against the friars which had resulted, par- tially at least, from the arbitrary and unconciliating spirit of Serra and the earliest missionaries. The first was Arrillaga's report on mission management in 1804, in which he stated as a result of his experience that the Indians were not cruelly treated, while it was absurd to suppose that so lazy a race could be made to do too much work. True there were grillos and azotes and cepos, but such punishments were necessary, were judiciously administered, and were in every way better than to crowd the prisons with petty offenders and thus exhaust the "gratification fund."13 The

12 Nov. 1808, viceroy to guardian. Vallejo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., xxviii. 16. 1809, instruction of guardian. Arch. Obispado, MS., 9, 10.

13 Arrillaga, Informe de Misiones, 1804, MS. 1809, Estudillo says the friars treat the neophytes as their own children, correcting them with words, and for serious offences with from 12 to 25 lashes. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., x1. 7. 1802, order that new churches be not begun without consent of the governor, in order to avoid overworking the Indians. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xxiv. 134; Arch. Sta B., MS., v. 67-8; xii. 148. In 1805 for throwing a stone at a padre an Indian by military authority was imprisoned, given 25 lashes for 9 successive feast-days, then 35 or 40 lashes for 9 successive Sun-

164

MISSIONS, PUEBLOS, AND LANDS.

other document was Guardian Gasol's instructions of 1806, in which he gave strict orders that no more than twenty-five blows should be given at any one time; no punishment inflicted or mentioned in the presence of strangers; and no women flogged by men or in public; and that five or six hours in winter and six or seven hours in summer should be the limit of a day's work.14

Langsdorff in his narrative has nothing but praise for the Franciscans; and Shaler, the only other for- eign visitor who records his observations on the sub- ject, offers no unfavorable criticism except to say that their reputation for medical knowledge was not de- served. Both were pleased with the readiness of the friars to trade, and there is no reason to doubt from all the evidence extant that they were always ready for barter, notwithstanding the fact that it was forbidden by the guardian, as well as by the laws. Shaler says: "The missions of California may be con- sidered as so many valuable estates or plantations belonging to the king of Spain, and capable, in case of a conquest of this country, of furnishing abundant supplies of all kinds." His estimate that American traders were leaving $25,000 annually on the coast, is perhaps not an exaggeration, including both Califor- nias, and merchandise as well as money.15 I find no evidence that the friars accumulated any considerable sums of money at the missions, in this period at least. 16

days, a different party of 5 or 6 Indians being obliged to witness each punish- ment. Prov. Rec., MS., xii. 35-6. 1804, a padre recommends as an effective method of enforcing discipline, to oblige each Indian to kiss the doctrina be- fore going to work. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Pref. y Juzg., MS., i. 23. Fugi- tives whipped and put in irons as a warning. Langsdorff's Voyages, ii. 170-1.

14 Gasol, Letras Patentes, 1806, MS., containing many details of mission routine and missionary duties.

15 Shaler's Journal of a Toy., 152-4.

16 1804, Arrillaga says that there cannot be a large amount of money at any mission, since all business is transacted by means of drafts on Mexico. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 346-7. 1808, the tribunal de cuentas thinks that no purchase-money need be sent on vessels, since loans can be had from the padres, repayable by the San Blas treasury. Id., xix. 240. 1809, Tapis pro- nounces the padres, 'pobres de solemnidad,' and the neophytes, 'pobres de necesidad.' Arch. Arzob., MS., ii. 68-9. Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 88-9,

165

THE FRIARS' WATCHES.

The most inconvenient reform enforced on the mis- sionaries during the decade was that which compelled them to part with certain silver watches, acquired in some not very mysterious but unrecorded manner. Complaint came not from laymen, but from the Fran- ciscan superiors themselves. The watches had to be sent to Guadalajara and sold for the benefit of the Indians. It was not even permitted to sell them to naval or military officers in California for fear that stories of missionary luxury in that province, incon- sistent with the vows of poverty, would become cur- rent in Mexico and Spain, doing harm to the order.17

Lasuen had been succeeded in the presidency by Tapis, as elsewhere recorded.18 Of the latter's admin- istration there is nothing to be added here, except that there are several slight indications that his rela- tions with the friars were somewhat less cordial than those of his predecessors. So simple was the Fran- ciscan administrative machinery that in California there was no other provincial mission authority than that of the president, who was responsible only to the guardian of San Fernando. The guardianship was held during this decade by José Gasol in 1800-3, 1806-9; Tomás Pangua in 1803-6; and Agustin Garijo from 1809. The election was in July of every third year.19 Another prominent official of the college was the procurador of the California missions, whose

thinks the padres sent large sums of money out of the country before 1824 -- that is, large amounts came in and disappeared, and the friars alone had the handling of them.

17 Gasol, Letras Patentes, MS., 1806, in which document the friars are also instructed to avoid suspicion by employing none but male servants. Arch. Sta B., MS., xi. 151; xii. 371. Meetings of several friars each year at stated places for religious service and mutual confession and instruction were ordered by guardian and president in 1807. Id., xi. 155-6. A papal letter of 1797, approved by the king in 1804, was circulated in California in 1805 or 1806. It contains 28 articles on missionary service, and especially their connection with the college, with rewards and honors as well as penalties. Pio VI., Breve Apostólico en que se les conceden varias gracias a los Misioneros, 1797, MS.

18 See chap. iii. of this volume. On the duties and powers of the president, see Gasol, Letras Patentes, MS., of 1806, and the instructions of the Franciscan comisario general of 1810. Arch. Sta B., MS., ix. 51-7.

19 Arch. Sta B., MS., xi. 153, 288, 294, 296, 299; xii. 165; Arch. Obispado, MS., 10; S. José Patentes, MIS., 19, 33, 36.

166

MISSIONS, PUEBLOS, AND LANDS.

duty it was to invest in supplies for those missions, in accordance with orders from the missionaries in charge of each, the yearly stipends and the amounts of draft on Mexico obtained by the friars in return for presidio supplies. The procurador's accounts, except for a few missions and a few scattered years, are not extant. His position bore a general resemblance to that of the habilitado general. It was usually filled by a friar who had served in California, and the mis- sionaries were always consulted about his appoint- ment. Tomás de la Peña held the office apparently until 1806; José Viñals from 1806 to 1809, and José Guilez from 1809.20 There was also a síndico, or gen- eral agent of the missionaries, at San Blas, who at- tended to the reception and forwarding, the purchase and sale of effects ordered, or produce shipped by the missions. Miguel Gonzalez Calderon held this office until 1802, his brother Tomás perhaps until 1806, Ramon Moreysa appointed, but perhaps not serving, in 1806, Estevan Lascano in 1806-7, and Eustaquio de la Cuesta from 1807. Lazcano appears to have died a defaulter, or at least deeply in debt, and the missionaries, or rather the missions, were called upon to contribute according to the age of the respective establishments to pay the deficit and maintain the financial integrity of the order.21

Ecclesiastical matters cannot be separated from the general subject of missions, since there was as yet no secular clergy in the province. California still formed part of the diocese of Sonora and Sinaloa, and as vicar of Bishop Rousset de Jesus, the president held and delegated to his friars such ecclesiastical powers, and performed such church duties for the gente de

20 Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 16; Arch. Sta B., MS., xi. 153-4, 298; xii. 308, 371; Arch. Arzob., MS., i. 1; S. José, Patentes, MS., 18, 34.

21 Arch. Obispado, MS., 7, 8; Arch. Sta B., MS., xi. 157-8, being a cir- cular of President Tapis dated Santa Inés, June 30, 1808. June 23, 1807, the guardian writes that Cuesta would not take the office unless he could have all the mission business to transact for a commission, and this had been promised. S. José, Patentes, MS., 17-19. June 1809, Antonio Vallejo appointed ' oficial' of the California pious fund. Gaceta de Mex., xix. 525.

167

ECCLESIASTICAL AFFAIRS.

razon as the interests of the province demanded. Relations between bishop and vicar were interrupted by no quarrels; though in 1801 the latter was some- what alarmed at rumors of an approaching episcopal visita to his missions; and again in 1807 a demand of the bishop for payment for holy oil caused a slight and easily calmed ripple of controversy.22 Strict com- pliance by all soldiers and settlers with their yearly religious duties of confession and communion at easter was enforced. The archives abound in certificates by friars that the citizens of a certain place have "cum- plido con la iglesia;" and occasionally there is recorded an instance of some ne'er do well who was punished for non-compliance. Yet it was possible in the Cali- fornia of these days to be too devout; since Arrillaga was obliged to prevent a soldier on one occasion from devoting all his property to masses for the good of his own soul, certain portions being reserved by royal order for the relatives.23 Meanwhile both soldiers and Indians accused of petty offences, often took refuge in church, from which they could be taken only by compliance with certain formalities on the part of the authorities, and thus many a flogging was avoided by the Indians, since no castigo de sangre could be administered to a person who held a papel de iglesia. The friars obtained some money in the shape of alms and fees for burial and other services; and the king by the sale of papal indulgences brought back into the treasury some $450 of the amounts expended for the church in California.24 I find only a single instance

22 See chap. i. and v. this volume. June 1, 1802, Francisco Rousset de Jesus signs himself Bishop of Sonora, Sinaloa, and Californias. Autograph signature in S. Antonio, Doc. Sueltos, MS., 36.

23 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 48, 165; Id., Ben. Mil., xxxiii. 1, 14; xxxiv. 20; xxxvii. 18; Estudillo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., i. 40, 77. Arrest of Ignacio Acedo for non-compliance at Branciforte. Arch. Sta Cruz, MS., 15. Domingo Aruz not allowed to leave all his property for masses. Prov. Rec., MS., xi. 119. 1808, man tried for blasphemy at Santa Barbara. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxxviii. 1-3. 1810, corporal reprimanded for permitting three men to enter a church with handkerchiefs on their heads. Estudillo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., i. 91.

24 The bulas most called for in California were the cheaper classes of those used for the souls of the dead and dying, and indulgences for eating meat on

168

MISSIONS, PUEBLOS, AND LANDS.

of an edict of the inquisition being published here by President Tapis. It was affixed to the church doors and involved the extirpation of all that was opposed to faith, king, or the holy tribunal.25

The annals of each of the three pueblos, as of each mission, have been given separately. Los Angeles alone had gained slightly in population, but in the aggregate there was a decrease from 550 to 535 set- tlers including many invalids from the presidial com- panies. Horses and cattle decreased from 19,700 to 12,500. In sheep there was but slight if any gain. Crops in 1810 as in 1800 amounted to about 9,900 bushels, figures for intermediate years being for the most part lacking. The lack of prosperity in the pueblos was generally admitted and regretted in offi- cial reports, but projects for stimulating their progress were devised and discussed with much less frequency and enthusiasm than in Borica's time. 26

No settlers proper came during these ten years, the increase of population, more than equalled by deaths and enlistments, arising solely from births and the retirement of soldiers. It would seem, however, that in a few instances women were brought to the prov- ince by aid of the government, some being wives of set-

prohibited days, sold generally at from 25 to 40 cents each. See estimates of bulas needed in Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 63, 99; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 231. The Indians were allowed to eat meat on the same days as others who had the necessary bulas, by reciting on those days like the others. Bishop to president, 1804. Arch. Sta B., MS., v. 122-6. The military engaged in expe- ditions were exempt from all fasting and abstinence from flesh. At other times they also enjoyed some privileges, shared by family and servants. Flesh and fish might not be mixed under any indulgences. Vallejo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., xxviii. 14. 1809, permission for laboring classes to eat meat for 9 years, except 15 days each year, for which a bula was required. S. José, Patentes, MS., 37-42. The whole subject as illustrated by the California records is very confusing. Aug. 31, 1805, Viader's receipt for $12, alms for interring one Gonzalez. S. José, Arch., MS., ii. 83. June 23, 1804, royal order that chaplains can receive no offering for burial of soldiers beyond fees allowed in the district. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 384. 1805, padres refused burial to a neophyte woman who hanged herself. Prov. Rec., MS., xii. 42. Pio Pico speaks of having often served for the padres as acolyte when a boy. Hist. Cal., MS., 11.

25 1804. Arch. Sta B., MS., xi. 100-1.

26 In 1806 Arrillaga informns the viceroy that if it were not for the invalids. the pueblos would amount to nothing. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. SI.

169

COLONISTS AND CONVICTS.

tlers already there.27 The colony of foundlings brought from Mexico at the end of the last decade had pros- pered. In 1806 Arrillaga reported that none of the twenty had died; the boys were growing up to be robust men, and of the ten girls all but two, yet of tender years, had married. Yet the governor was far from being enthusiastic respecting the advisability of sending more foundlings, or colonists of any other class. He could not see that California possessed any marked advantages over the other provinces, nor did he look forward to increased immigration or pros- perity.28 One of the unmarried girls was Apolinaria Lorenzana, named for the archbishop founder of the foundling asylum as were all the niñas expositas, who was still living in 1880 at Santa Bárbara,2) where she was known as La Beata. A few convicts were sent to the province in the early years of the decade; but the governor and commandants, being questioned by the viceroy, protested zealously against the practice as ruinous to the best interests of the country, and their protests seem to have had some temporary effect.30

27 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 214; Prov. Rec., MS., iii. 89. The governor says the absent wives must clearly understand that once in the country they cannot leave it.

28 July 15, 1806, Arrillaga to viceroy. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 86-7. Supplies for the foundlings from 1801 to 1806, $810. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxxiii. 10; xxxi. 13. In the bill for supplies to the girl foundlings the governor disapproved of the item for cigars! and also for some labor by Ind- ian servants. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xiv. 18, 19. Carrillo in 1801 was troubled because one of the girls refused an offer of marriage, or rather the matron in charge refused for her. Monterey, Diario, MS., 35.

29 Lorenzana, Memorias de la Beata, MS. The old lady, then entirely blind, dictated her recollections of California history for my use, having very clear ideas of persons and events in the old times. 'On our arrival,' she says, 'El gobierno repartió los niños como perritos entre varias familias.' Her mother came with her, but soon married an artilleryman and went to San Blas, so that Apolinaria never saw her again. The girl was placed in the Carrillo family, with which she spent many years at Monterey, Santa Bar- bara, and San Diego; then she lived long at San Diego and other missions engaged in caring for the padres, tending the sick, and teaching children. She soon gained the name of La Beata and has ever commanded the highest respect of those who knew her.

Need help finding more records? Try our genealogical records directory which has more than 1 million sources to help you more easily locate the available records.

History of California, Volume II, Part 17

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 826

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 826