History of California, Volume II, Part 54

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 826

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524

EVENTS OF ARGÜELLO'S RULE-1824.

tion of the country, its natural resources and charms, and its grand prospects for the future. Each of the three great districts visited successively furnished a new topic for wonder and praise, all being in marked contrast with the Russian territories.27

"It has hitherto been the fate of these regions," writes Kotzebue, "like that of modest merit or humble virtue, to remain unnoticed; but posterity will do them justice; towns and cities will hereafter flourish where all is now desert; the waters, over which scarcely a solitary boat is yet seen to glide, will reflect the flags of all nations; and a happy prosperous people receiving with thankfulness what prodigal nature be- stows for their use, will disperse her treasures over every part of the world." For the institutions of the country, and particularly for the mission system, the author has nothing but condemnation. The Spaniards were an ignorant, indolent, good-for-nothing people; and the padres had no good quality but hospitality. The neophytes were simply slaves, captured in their homes by the lasso and dragged into the missions to toil, until relieved by death, under tyrannical masters who treated them worse than cattle. Naturally the lowest race on the face of the earth, the Indians were still further degraded by the iniquities of the mission system under the hypocritical pretence of conversion to Christianity. While Kotzebue's views were not altogether without foundation, his exaggeration and prejudice on these points are apparent, and are attribu-

27 South of San Francisco ' the country presented on all sides a picture of beauty and fertility,' described at some length. 'How abundantly and hap- pily might thousands of families subsist here ! and how advantageously might the emigrants to Brazil have preferred this spot for colonization !' On the north side of the bay the country, 'chiefly characterized by gently swelling hills, the park-like grouping of the trees, and the lively verdure of the mead- ows, is as agreeable to the eye as that of the southern coast.' On the Sac- ramento 'in every direction the landscape was charming and luxuriant.' 'The many rivers flowing through this fruitful country will be of the greatest use to future settlers. The low ground is exactly adapted to the cultivation of rice; and the higher would yield the finest wheat harvests. The vine might be cultivated here to great advantage. All along the banks of the river grapes grow wild in as much profusion as the rankest weeds,' and the grapes, though small, were very edible.

525

FOREIGN PIONEERS.

table in part to his reliance on the statements of José María Estudillo, a bitter foe of the padres. Es- tudillo also led our author very far astray respecting the political situation of the province. His version was that California, though neglected by Spain and importuned by Mexico, had remained through poverty and suffering true to the king, and in unquestioning submission to the friars, until a smouldering spark had a few years ago been blown into a flame in consequence of a revolt of the Indians. The troops with little loss defeated large numbers of the foc, learned how weak the padres really were, declared their independence of Spain, and made California a separate republic. Whether it was best to remain independent or place herself under the protection of a foreign power was yet a subject of discussion. "Our soldiers are all of one mind; whoever pays them the arrears due from the Spanish government is their master; he purchases them and to him they belong. Induced by a knowl- edge of this disposition, Mexico has entered into nego- tiations with us"! The only obstacle now to California becoming a powerful state was the inability of her ruler, Don Luis Argüello, and thus Estudillo gratified again his personal spite.28

Foreigners were still welcomed and baptized; and though authority came from Mexico to expel them should the necessity arise, there was no need to exer- cise such power, and harmony was undisturbed.29 Of old acquaintances George Allen was baptized as José Jorge Tomás by Sarría at San Cárlos on December

28 Kotzebue also exhibited much prejudice and unfairness in his present- ment of the Russian question; but this will be noticed elsewhere.

29 Dec. 24th, the governor is ordered to make public the decree of congress authorizing the expulsion of foreigners if necessary. Sup. Govt. St. Pap., MS., xix. IS. Jan. 2, 1825, Sarria to bishop announcing that he has baptized many English and Americans in forma absoluta, but feels some doubt about the Episcopal sect. A Russian was admitted on protestation of faith, ab- jugation of error, and absolution of censure. Arch. Sta, B., MS., xii. 362-3. Ground was designated for the burial of foreigners. Dept. Rec., MS., iii. 3. Cot tells Hartnell that in the Sta Bárbara troubles the Indian leaders said they had no intention of harming foreigners. Vallejo, Doc. Hist., MS., xxviii. 358.

520

EVENTS OF ARGÜELLO'S RULE-1824.

. 22d; John Martin was received into the church at San Juan Bautista by Arroyo de la Cuesta October 16th; Padre Uría baptized Dr Diego Borris, aged 22, at Santa Barbara June 5th; José Chapman bought a house at Los Angeles from Agustin Machado; and Wm. A. Richardson was in trouble at San Francisco about his debts, being threatened with the calabozo if he did not pay within twenty-four hours. 30 Among new-comers the most prominent was David Spence, the Scotchman, who arrived on the Pizarro to take charge of the meat-packing establishment of Begg and Com- pany, and who became a leading and wealthy citizen.31 James, Walter, or Santiago Burke, came on the Young Tartar; Nicodemus Goddard, an American shoe- maker, nineteen years of age, on the Sachem, probably the year before. Thomas Stewart, a Scotch carpen- ter of twenty-three years, was one of six deserters left by the Royal George.32 William Logan and Thomas Shaw are spoken of in documents of this year as residents; and Joseph Lawrence, called La- rans, a native of New York, was baptized by Sarria at San Gabriel the 11th of July.33 An English whaler seems to have left at San Francisco in November James McKinley, William R. Garner, and James Watson, natives of Scotland, England, and Ireland

respectively.34 Other names accredited to 1824 by lists of foreigners in later years, but with no details of vessels, are the following: David Littlejohn and Santiago McFerion, Scotch; Joseph Daniel Ferguson, Irish; Joseph Dilen, or Dillon, American; Mathew

30 Dept. St. Pap., MS., xix. (96-7, 185-7); Dept. Rec., MS., i. 284; Sta Barbara, Lib. Mision, MS., 20; S. Juan Bautista, Lib. Mision, MS., 19.

31 Spence's Ilist. Notes, MS., 12-13. At Monterey in December. J'allejo, Doc. Ilist. Cal., MS., xxviii. 422.

32 Dana and Moraga, Lista, 1836, MS .; Estrada, Lista, 1829, MS. Huse, Sketch of Sta B., 6, says that Capt. Burke came in 1820.

33 Vallejo, Doc. Ilist. Cal., MS., xxviii. 402, 408; S. Gabriel, Lib. Mision, MS., 57.

$$ Monterey list of 1840. Dept. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 38; Los Angeles list of 1836 in Los Angeles Arch., MS., i. 121-4; Naturalization records in Dept. St. Pap., MS., xix. (460-4); xx. (108-13); Monterey Heraldl, May 1, 1875. Kotzebue notices the arrival of the whaler with a scurvy-stricken crew.

527

INDIAN REVOLT.

Fellom, or Felon, identical perhaps with the Philip Felon of 1821, a Dane; and several more doubtful names.35 Charles Smith is mentioned as engaged in otter-hunting, but the reference may possibly be to Karl von Schmidt, of Ross; and an American whose Christian name was Daniel is thought by Mrs Ord to have been killed in the Indian troubles at Santa Bar- bara. 36

The neophytes of three southern missions revolted this year against the military authority. There are evidences that other missions were asked to join in the rising, but only slight indications that any con- sented or furnished material aid. Records of official investigations have been lost, if they ever existed. Old Californians, writing of the affair from memory, attribute the movement to a deliberately planned at- tempt to free the country forever from the power and presence of Spaniards, doubtless exaggerating its im- portance in this respect.37 Franciscan authorities in Mexico took the ground that the real cause was the ever growing discontent of the Indians at having to support the troops by their hard labor without pay, that is without the old-time memorias of mission sup- plies which could no longer be sent now that drafts in favor of the missions were not honored by the treas-

35 Los Angeles, Arch., MS., i. 121-4; Id., Ayuntamiento Rec., MS., 32; Estrada, Lista, 1820, MS .; Dept. St. Pap., MS., xvii. 37-8; xx. (478-9). In a sketch of C. J. Fellom in the S. José Pioneer, July 6, ISTS, Mathew is said to have come to California in 1823. See Pioneer Register.

36 Dept. Rec., MS., i. 76; Ord, Ocurrencias, MS., 13-14; Ripoll, Levanta- miento de Indios, MS.

37 Osio, Hist. Cal., MS., 58-85; Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 47-57; Ta- llejo, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 350-69; Vallejo (J. J. ), Reminiscencias, MS., 82-3; Gonzalez, Experiencias, MS., 19-25; Ord, Ocurrencias, MS., 7-15; l'aldes, Memorias, MS., 14-17; Bandini, Hist. Cal., MS., 67-70; Galindo, Apuntes, MS., 4-5; Fernandez, Cosas de Cal., MS., 14. The Vallejo-Alvarado version makes Pacomio leader of the revolt, a well educated neophyte, skilful car- penter and cabinet-maker, patriotic in his ideas and determined to free his country, and subsequently an intelligent citizen and member of the ayunta- miento at Monterey. The archives simply show that Pacomio was one of ton men sentenced to ten years of presidio work and exile, and that José Pacomio, Monterey, Padron, MS., 15, was a married carpenter 40 years old in 1836 living at the capital. Gonzalez says the leader was one Patricio, a half- breed.

528

EVENTS OF ARGÜELLO'S RULE-1824.

ury.38 This explanation, if somewhat far fetched for an apparent motive, was not entirely without founda- tion. Some of the padres claimed that the first out- break was due to a petty act of injustice on the part of the soldiers, and that it was fanned into a revolu- tion by continued acts of cruel severity.39 At any rate there was no ill-feeling shown by the neophytes against the padres. The truth is that the Indians did not fare so well in these hard times as formerly, when there was no market for mission produce; the soldiers on ac- count of their destitution, if not their new republican ideas, were careless of the Indians' rights; the neo- phytes noted the growing difficulties of the friars and their comparative inability to protect their subjects from the soldiers; and they finally were incited in con- nection with some local event, but as I think without very definite plans, to test the strength of their op- pressors.

The trouble began at Santa Inés on the afternoon of Sunday the 21st of February. The flogging of a Purísima neophyte by the orders of Corporal Cota a short time before is mentioned as the immediate cause. Details of what happened here are not known. The soldiers defended themselves and the padre; it does not clearly appear that anybody was killed, but a large part of the mission buildings was burned. Early the next day Sergeant Anastasio Carrillo arrived with a small force, and the hostile Indians seem to have fled to Purísima. Carrillo remained for some time at Santa Inés, which does not appear to have been abandoned.40

38 July 5, 1825, guardian to Minister Alaman. Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt. ii. 145-8.

39 May 5th, P. Ripoll to Sarria. Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt. ii. 95; Sarria also seems to take this view of the matter more or less fully.

40 According to Ripoll, Levantamiento de Indios en Sta B. 1724, MS., the rebels at Sta Inés sent a message to the alcalde Andrés at S. Marcos, the message reaching Sta Bárbara on Monday morning, that they had killed the soldiers and shut up the padre. Osio, Hist. Cal., MS., 61-5, tells a story of P. Uría being awakened from his siesta by a page who said the Indians were coming to kill him; whereupon the padre seized a musket, killed two of the assailants, broke the arm of another, and fought his way to where the soldiers

529

REVOLT AT PURÍSIMA.

At Purísima the neophytes rose on the same after- noon, probably on receipt of the news from Santa Inés, and took possession of the mission. Contem- porary documents afford few particulars, but corrobo- rate in a general way the accounts from memory. Corporal Tiburcio Tapia with his four or five men defended the families and padres through the night, only one woman being wounded, but at last surren- dered when powder gave out. In the morning Tapia and Padre Ordaz were sent to Santa Inés to prevent Carrillo from coming with his troops and thus causing the slaughter of the families. What answer was received is not known, but soon all the soldiers and their families were allowed to retire with Padre Ordaz to Santa Inés; while Rodriguez, minister of the mis- sion, remained with his neophytes, who showed no disposition to molest him.41 Four white men were killed at Purísima during the affray; but two of them-Dolores Sepúlveda and Ramon Sotelo-and probably all, were travellers on their way to Los An- geles, who, suspecting no danger, arrived at the mission after the trouble had begun and apparently before the guard had surrendered. The number of Indians killed was seven, or at least that was the number buried this and the two following days. 42 Masters now of the situation locally, reënforced from Santa Inés and per- haps to a slight extent from other missions, the rebels

were defending themselves in the square! Mrs Ord, Ocurrencias, MS., 11- 12, tells us that P. Uria and the soldiers defended themselves in the padre's house all night, killing several Indians; and also that Carrillo had a fight after his arrival, killing some and capturing the leaders. She says that the padre and families left Sta Ines and came to Sta Bárbara for a while.

41 Osio says the rebels offered to spare Tapia if he would give up his arms, but he refused; also that in the fight many houses were burned. A letter of Sarría, Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt. ii. 87-90, partially confirms the statement of Mrs Ord that the soldiers' families were held for a while as hostages to keep Carrillo away. Gonzalez, a soldier who took part in the events of the next month, tells us that Ordaz, who was minister of Sta Ines and not of Purísima, arrived at the latter mission after the surrender. Valdés says that the majordomo Arellanes was held as a captive until the mission was retaken. Vallejo and Alvarado imply that the soldiers were kept as prisoners. They confound Padre Rodriguez with Victoria, and the former states that Pacomio had 2,000 Indians when he attacked and captured the mission.

42 Purísima, Lib. Mis., MS., 11.

HIST. CAL., VOL. II. 34

530

EVENTS OF ARGÜELLO'S RULE-1824.

began to prepare for defence by drilling, erecting pali- sade fortifications, cutting loop-holes in the adobe walls of the church and other buildings, mounting one or two old rusty cannon hitherto used chiefly to make a noise on dias de fiesta, sending messages of exhortation to gentiles and neophytes, and taking every precaution that native ingenuity could devise. It was nearly a month before they were attacked.

The news reached Santa Barbara on Monday morn- ing,43 and the neophytes under Andrés manifested great excitement, which fathers Ripoll and Jaime suc- ceeded in allaying for a little time; but during the former's absence at the presidio the Indians armed themselves and worked up renewed fury by recalling instances of ill-treatment from the soldiers. They also claimed to be in danger from the rebels if they did not join the revolt. They promised the padre, however, on his return to do no harm if the troops were kept away, and Ripoll produced an order from the commandant for the escolta to withdraw. The Indians insisted that the soldiers should leave their weapons, and wounded two men who refused compli- ance with that condition. Guerra at once marched to the mission and a fight of several hours ensued, in which the Indians fought with guns and arrows from behind the pillars of the corridor. The Indians lost two killed and three wounded; while the troops, with four wounded, retired to the presidio. The rebels then took all the clothing and other property they could carry, respecting, however, all that was in the church, and retired to the hills not far distant, sending Padre Jaime to the presidio on horseback after they had urged him in vain to go with them. The same after- noon the troops came back under Alférez Maitorena, and within a day or two they sacked the Indians'

43 The best authorities on events at Sta Bárbara alone make it Sunday, and speak of mass at the presidio; but I follow the dates of official documents which speak of the rising at the three places as having taken place on Feb. 21st-22d, that is on Sunday and Monday. Osio says the affair began at Sta Inés on Saturday.

531

REVOLT AT SANTA BÁRBARA.

houses, despite the padre's protests, and killed such stragglers as they could catch without reference to their guilt or innocence, as Ripoll claimed. Messages passed between the fugitives and the padres; but the former refused to return, and after a week or more moved their camp further off toward the Tulares. Such was the situation at the end of February, at which time twelve victims had been buried at the mission.44

Meanwhile the alarm reached Monterey and a correspondence ensued between the governor, his subordinates, and the missionaries, on the steps to be taken to ward off the danger.45 The result was that a hundred men were sent south under Lieutenant Mariano Estrada and Alférez Francisco de Haro to cooperate with Captain de la Guerra against the rebels. By some mischance, or misunderstanding of orders, the two armies were not united, and Estrada, having left San Luis Obispo March 14th, reached Purísima early in the morning of the 16th. The cavalry having been sent to the right and left under corporals Alviso and Espinosa to act as skirmishers and cut off the retreat of the foe-or prevent the re- treat of the army being cut off, as the case might be -- the rest of the force opened fire on the adobe walls

44 The best authorities are Ripoll, Levantamiento de Indios en Sta Bárbara, 1824, MS., which is Ripoll's report of May 5th, to Sarria; and Ord, Ocur- rencias, MS., 7-11, the author of which, the daughter of Guerra, though a young girl at the time, had exceptional facilities then and later to learn all about the matter. The burials are recorded in Sta Barbara, Lib. Mision, MS., 45-6, where is also a later certificate that 16 other Indians had been buried by their companions. Mrs Ord says that in the forenoon only a small part of the neophytes fought, while the rest were getting away; and that when the troops returned after dinner all had gone. Meanwhile, Ripoll sat at a window at the presidio overlooking the mission, weeping and exclaiming, 'My God, they killed some Indians !' and refused to partake of the broth carried to him by Señorita de la Guerra. Osio also has something to say about the retreat of the troops having been merely going to dinner in order to fight on a full belly 'a la inglesa.'

45 Feb. 25th, 27th, March 7th, Sarria to Argüello, transmitting news, and in last letter begging most earnestly that the trouble be settled without shedding of blood. Arch. Arzob., MIS., iv. pt. ii. 87-9. Feb. 24th, March 10th, Arguello to Guerra. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., 147-51. Feb. 27th, March 3d, Arguello to Ramirez. Dept. Rec., MS., i. 97-9. The force sent south finally was 16 artillerymen, 23 cavalry, 35 infantry, and 35 auxiliaries (Indians?). Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., Iviii. 7; lxxxvii. 64.

532

EVENTS OF ARGUELLO'S RULE-1824.

at eight o'clock from muskets and a four-pounder. The neophytes, now said to have been about four hundred strong, returned the fire from cannon, swivel- guns, and muskets, to say nothing of the clouds of arrows. The guns were ineffective through the ignorance of the neophyte gunners. Some say the cannon burst at the first discharge and killed several persons. The Indians after a while attempted to fly, but were prevented by the cavalry. Then they begged Padre Rodriguez to intercede and stop the firing, which he did, first by a letter and then by coming out in person. The battle was over at half past ten. The Spaniards had three men wounded, one of them mor- tally; while the Indians lost sixteen killed and a large number wounded. Two swivel-guns and sixteen muskets were the most important items in the war- stores captured. After the depositions of the prisoners had been taken, Guerra and Estrada proceeded under authority of the governor to decree the punishment. Seven were condemned to death for complicity in the murder of Sepúlveda and his companions, and were shot before the end of the month. The four ring- leaders in the revolt, Mariano, Pacomio, Benito, and Bernabé, were sentenced to ten years of presidio and perpetual exile from the province; and eight others to eight years of presidio in California. It was claimed by Ripoll that a pardon had been promised to all at Purísima, which was most unlikely, and was indig- nantly denied by Estrada. Arguello was disposed to think his officers had been too lenient in the punish- ments. 46

46 March 19th, Estrada's official report to the governor. Dept. St. Pap., MS., i. 166-9. He especially commends the valor of the artisan Francisco Pacheco who volunteered, acted as aid, and did good service with a gun; the artillerymen Manuel Flores and Octaviano Gutierrez; and the infantrymen Santa Ana, Diaz, Leonardo Virgen, and Antonio Rodriguez. Sentences of the offenders on March 23d. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., Ivii. 36-7. No- tice of the execution of the seven; no details. Dept. Rec .. MS., i. 100-3. Argüello's report of Estrada's campaign to minister of war. Id., i. 217. May 22d, Estrada to Guerra, denying the charges of the padres, and calling on the captain to state the facts. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., v. 190-1. April 22d, Torre to Guerra, to the effect that there is much current fault-finding at

533

REBELS IN THE TULARES.

All the revolted neophytes had now been subjected except those of Santa Bárbara, with a few refugees who had joined them from other missions. Respect- ing the movements of this party during the month of March very little is known, save that the rebels re- treated to the region of the Tulares. March 21st Padre Ordaz wrote to the governor that the situation was threatening, the rebels being at San Emigdio rancho where a Russian was instructing them in the use of firearms, the Indians of San Fernando having run away presumably to join the rest, and those of San Buenaventura and San Gabriel showing alarm- ing signs of revolt.47 But it would seem that the danger was exaggerated; for at the end of the month Argüello, on the strength of reports that the Santa Barbara Indians had dispersed and were gradually returning to their mission, ordered Estrada back to Monterey, that the settlers might attend to their sow- ing; he was to wait for the roads to dry, and to make an expedition later if it should prove necessary.49

The reports that prompted Arguello's orders would also seem to have been premature; for Guerra imme- diately despatched Lieutenant Fabregat with eighty men, who had two encounters with the rebels on April

the slight punishment inflicted and at the failure of the Sta Bárbara troops to take part in the action. Id., vi. 106-7. Gonzalez, Experiencias, MS., also complains of the failure as an injustice to the southern soldiers of which he was one.

Vallejo and Alvarado add something of interest if not of accuracy to the narrative, by representing the Indians to have exposed the person of the padre where the shots fell thickest.in order to stop the firing. They put Guerra in command of the assaulting force; represent the besieged rebels as having escaped during the night, perhaps with the connivance of P. Rodri- guez; and as subsequently encamping at the Laguna where terms were made, the murderers being given up and Pacomio sent to Monterey to live as an independent citizen ! Osio tells us of an Indian who, in the midst of the con- flict, tied a crucifix to his neck wrapped in a blanket, with a view to test its efficacy, vowing life-long devotion if he were unharmed. He fought unscathed among the flying bullets until his arrows were all gone, and later served as a pious sacristan until death. An increased escolta was left at Purísima under Sergt. Pardo after this affair. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., vi. 153.

47 Mar. 21st, P. Ordaz to Argüello. Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt. ii. 91-3. The padre deems it of the utmost importance that the Indians be punished by a military force at once.

48 March 31st, Arguello to commandant of Sta Bárbara. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 151-2. Id. to Ramirez. Dept. Rec., MS., i. 102-3.

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History of California, Volume II, Part 54

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 826

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 826