USA > California > History of California, Volume II > Part 34
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In May 1818 President Payeras, with Comandante Argüello, made a trip by water to San Rafael, includ-
16 Khlébnikof, Zapiski, 148-9; Tikhmenef, Istor. Obosranie, i. 361; Fernan- dez, Cosas de Cal., MS., 86.
17 S. Rafael, Lib. Mision, MS., 5; Arch. Sta B., MS., iii. 142; iv. 157-8, xii. 125; original memorandum of Payeras, in Doc. Hist. Cal., MS .; iv. 344-5, where original name is Nanaguanui. Curiously in the mission reports after 1822 the date of foundation is given as Dec. 1Sth. Mofras, Exploration, i. 414, has copied this error. Of this establishment I have some of the original regis- ters, and copies of the rest.
18 Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt.ii. 89-92; Arch. Sta B., MS., x. 303. The neophytes sent to San Rafael were not deducted for some years in making up the sta- tistical reports for San Francisco. Most of them came originally from the country north of the bay.
331
NORTH OF THE BAY.
ing a somewhat careful examination of the country around. From the top of a hill near the new mission they looked upon the Cañada de los Olompalies and the Llano de los Petalumas. 19 In his general re- marks on mission sites Payeras mentions by their present names the Sonoma Creek, the Sacramento, and the San Joaquin. It is stated in the official record of Luis Argüello's services that in this same month of May he went to explore the river that flows from the north into San Francisco Bay, that is the Sacramento, sailing on it for seventeen days, con- stantly threatened by the numerous Indians, and once landing with four men to fight them. It is strange that Payeras does not mention this trip if made in May 1818; and indeed it was probably made one or two years earlier, since Roquefeuil seems to have heard of it from Argüello in the autumn of 1817.20
Runaways from the central missions, from Santa Bárbara to San Miguel, were very numerous in 1818, and the general place of refuge seems to have been the rancherías of the Tulares. At Telame, the region favored for a new mission, was what Payeras termed "a republic of hell and a diabolical union of apos- tates." This friar writing from Purísima in May took a very dark view of the situation, declaring that the natives were losing all respect for the padres, no longer feared the soldiers, and that unless some decided steps were promptly taken the missionaries' occupation in California was gone.21 The trouble was reported
19 Payeras, Noticia de un Viage á San Rafael, 1818, MS. In this diary Payeras mentions the tradition that an oak grove with a small stream once occupied the place of San Francisco Bay. A small island near San Rafael is called Del Oro. A place called Gallinas, 2 leagues away, and another called Aranjuez are mentioned. The padre's opinion of the mission site was not a very favorable one. Petaluma was 12 leagues, and Olompali, 6; 38° 15' was the estimated latitude of San Rafael. A presidio at Bodega and a mission at Petaluma and Suisun are recommended.
20 Argüello (Luis), Hoja de Servicios, 1828, MS .; Roquefeuil's Voy,, 25.
21 May 4th, Payeras to Guerra in Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., v. 29-31. May 23d, Juan Cabot at San Miguel reports on the rancherias where the fugitives are concealed and on the best way of reaching them. The ranche- rías named are Telame, Bubal, Quiuamine, Yulumne, and Choimoc. Cabot
332
EXPLORATIONS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS.
through Comandante Guerra to the governor, and a grand expedition was planned, to last fifty days and to effect not only the capture of neophytes but a thorough exploration of the interior. The execution of the plan was prevented by the return of the Santa Bárbara runaways in September, much to the disgust of Payeras, since the fugitives from Purísima did not make their appearance.22 The president in his bien- nial report notes the unsatisfactory condition of the Tulareños, their growing habit of using horses, and the meagre results accomplished by the troops by reason chiefly of the protection afforded by the tules and lagoons; yet he again urges the establishment of a presidio and missions as the only means of averting from California in the future the Apache-like raids of Sonora.23 It will be seen elsewhere that the Indians rendered much aid and also committed some excesses during the excitement of the insurgents in 1818-19.24
Early in 1819 an unfortunate disaster at San Buena- ventura caused excitement in all southern California, and led to a campaign against the gentiles. The Colo- rado River Indians occasionally came to the missions in small parties to trade; though the authorities al- ways endeavored to break up this practice, deeming it safer to avoid all intercourse with the powerful tribes of the far east. On May 29th a party of twenty-two Amajavas, the Mojaves of later times, arrived at San Buenaventura to trade with the neophytes.25
hopes that captives will be confined at Santa Barbara and not at Monterey which is merely an alcahueteria whence the Indians come out more insolent than ever. Id., vii. 88-9. Missions to furnish supplies. Id., v. 32. May 26th, Guerra to Sola on details of the proposed expedition. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xx. 225. An island of Poapui is named.
22 Sept. 15th, Guerra to Sola. Arch. Sta B., MS., iii. 102. Sept. 29th, Payeras to Guerra. Id., v. 33.
23 Payeras, Informe Bienal de Misiones, 1817-18, MS., 302-6.
24 See chap. xi. of this volume. March 22, 1819, the viceroy orders the governor to enforce good behavior by 'castigos moderados y correccionales,' alluding to excesses at the time of the Bouchard affair. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xx. 76. Oct. 28th, the viceroy approves the good order established among the Indians. Id., xx. 61.
25 They had called on their way at the rancho of San Francisco Javier and said they were going to San Buenaventura to barter their goods for beads, bchaving very quietly. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., v. 77.
333
DISASTER AT SAN BUENAVENTURA.
In subsequent correspondence the desire to trade was sometimes spoken of as a pretence, but it is clear enough that the visitors had no hostile intentions, and equally evident that they were not very cordially re- ceived by the mission guard. They were refused per- mission to visit the neophytes, were not allowed to pay their respects to the padre as they desired, and were told they must remain in the guard-house until ready to depart next day. The 30th, while all were at mass in the church, except one soldier left as a sen- tinel in charge of the Amajavas in the guard-house, a disturbance arose, and the first two men who came from the church to restore order, Corporal Rufino Leiva and the invalid Mariano Cota, were killed with clubs. Respecting the exact origin of the quarrel the testimony was and is naturally conflicting; but it would appear that the sentinel was the one to blame.26
Now the rest of the soldiers, accompanied by the neophytes to whom the padre hastily distributed arms, rushed out of the church, and a fight ensued in which ten of the Amajavas were killed and one neophyte,
26 Señan who describes the affair in letters of May 30th and June 30, 1819, Arch. Arzob., MS., iii. pt. ii. 81-2, 84-7, says that he warned the corporal and majordomo earnestly about the danger; that the strangers were twice refused permission to see the padre; and that during mass the sentinel struck one who wanted to go out of the guardia, and sent for the corporal who tried to put the gentile in the stocks. 'Holy God! What bad management!' In an- other letter of June Ist, Guerra, Hist. Doc. Cal., MS., v. 74-6, he implies no blame to the soldiers, and says the neophytes and all behaved nobly in de- fence of their lives, families, and homes. The Indian prisoners testified later that the soldier began to beat some of them, wherenpon the corporal came and ordered all to be put in the stocks. Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 429-32. Guerra, in his reports, Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 158-61, 41-2; vii. 103-5; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xx. 236, admits that there were different versions as to the cause; but concludes that the Indians began the trouble by attempt- ing to leave the guard-house under various pretexts. The sentinel being alarmed sent a little boy for the corporal, who brought Cota instead, and he after striking some of the Indians ran for Leiva. The latter tried to put them in the stocks, when the gentile gave an order in his own language, and the two men were killed. All this must have come from the sentinel, but rather strangely nothing is said of his fate or the part he took in the fray. Two men, however, who were at San Buenaventura that day are still living, and give a remarkably accurate account of the whole affair. Valdes, Memorias, MS., 10-13; Gonzalez, Experiencias, MS., 3-5. Both state that the cause of the quarrel was the attempt of the sentinel Luciano Félix to take a blanket from one of the Indians. Felix ran away as soon as the fight began, to report the matter at Santa Bárbara.
334
EXPLORATIONS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS.
Nicolás. 27 As soon as the news reached Santa Bar- bara, Sergeant Anastasio Carrillo started with fourteen men and a pedrero, and succeeded in capturing four of the ten gentiles who had escaped with their lives from San Buenaventura. The prisoners were put to work at the presidio but subsequently escaped.28
After the occurrence just narrated the inhabitants of southern California were in constant alarm, so far as the Bouchard excitement left them time to be alarmed at anything else, lest the Colorado tribes should come in force to attack the missions and avenge their past loss. The alarm was greater at San Ga- briel than elsewhere, because that mission was directly in the route by which the eastern hordes might be expected to overrun the province. Several times during the summer rumors came in that the Amajavas were approaching the mission. Whether any of thesc rumors were founded in fact it is difficult to determine; but on several occasions reinforcements were hurriedly sent from Los Angeles, Santa Bárbara, or San Diego; sentinels were kept posted on the eastern mountains, and every precaution was taken to avert possible dis- aster.23 Meanwhile runaway neophytes with gentiles of the inland rancherias toward the north continued to cause the missionaries much uneasiness, the in-
27 The three victims were buried on May 31st as recorded in S. Buenaven- tura, Lib. Mision, MS., 62-3; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., 1. 23. Oct. 12th, viceroy to Sola acknowledging the receipt of a report of the 'revolt' of the Colorado Indians and their 'raid ' on the mission, approving what has been done, and thanking troops in name of the king. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xx. 77. 28 Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 429-32; Sola's communications on the affair, in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xlix. 30-2. Escape of the captives men- tioned by Moraga on Jan. 11, 1820. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., v. 229-30. Nuez in his Diario, MS., 138-41, states that the Amajavas committed some other hostilities, attacking the pagans of the Atongaibit rancheria, and some fugitive neophytes from San Fernando and San Gabriel. According to a letter in Vallejo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., xxxvi. 287, the Amajava chief was named Buenéme.
29 Correspondence respecting alarms and precautions. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 142-3; iv. 25, 28-9, 35-7; v. 77-8. June 21st, Sola approves sending spies to the sierra. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xlvi. 11. Oct. 16th, Sola implies that the Amajavas had taken five neophytes and five horses. Id., xlvi. 13. In the mission report of 1822 it is stated that in 1819 the Amajavas actually marched on San Gabriel, but contented themselves with killing some neophyte runaways. Arch. Sta B., MS., iii. 271.
335
SANCHEZ' EXPEDITION.
creasing use of horses by the savages of the Tulares causing especial alarm.30 Therefore it was now deter- mined to carry into effect the general eastward move- ment against the runaways and their accomplices that had been talked of the year before. Three expedi- tions were organized, besides some minor local raids,31 that of the south receiving most attention since it was intended not only to capture fugitives but to attack the Amajavas, yet the others were carried out first.
About the northern expeditions we know little more than the fact that they were made. The first consisted of twenty-five men and marched early in October from San Francisco by way of San Jose to the lower San Joaquin Valley under the command of Sergeant José Sanchez. It was intended to send a boat up the river to cooperate, but there is no evidence that this was done. Sanchez scored what was termed a brilliant success. In a sharp fight which took place in the region of the modern Stockton-Padre Duran names the offending gentiles Muquelemes, this being perhaps the first writing of that name, or the later Moquel- umne-he killed 27 pagans, wounded 20, captured 16, and took 49 horses. One of his neophyte allies was slain, and five soldiers were wounded, one of whom, José María Amador, lived long to tell the story. The force returned before the end of October, and Sanchez was recommended for promotion.32
The second expedition marched from Monterey later in October, and entered the valley of the Tulares by way of San Miguel under the command of Lieutenant José María Estudillo, Sergeant José Dolores Pico accompanying him as a man practically acquainted
30 July 28, 1819, Payeras to the padres says that the best horses are being stolen; that in the Tularcs all ride, even the women; and that regular fairs for the sale of horses are held there. Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 436-7.
31 Oct. 7th, Sola approves Moraga's suggestion that each presidio make its own expedition within the limits of its district. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xlix. 43.
32 Duran's letters to Sola June 2d and Oct. 28th. Arch. Arzob., MS., iii. pt. ii. 82-4, 104-5. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 45, 49, 51-2; Sept. 24th, Sola to Moraga. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xlix. 40; Amador, Memorias, MS., 15-16.
336
EXPLORATIONS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS.
with the country. The force was about forty men. The 3d of November Estudillo had not yet returned; but his report was dated the 19th. The document is not extant, and we only know that the campaign was regarded as a failure. No proper places for a settle- ment were found on the west side of the river and lakes, and no convenient ford; therefore Estudillo thought a strong garrison necessary, not less than 115 men, if missions were to be founded on the eastern side.33
Respecting the third campaign the records afford more information, though this like the one last de- scribed was not successful. Correspondence on the preparations from September to November was quite voluminous, and the plans were several times changed in detail.3 At first it was intended to send sixty cavalrymen, whose places at Santa Bárbara and San Diego were to be taken temporarily by the newly arrived reinforcements from Mazatlan; but by the final arrangement of November 3d the force consisted of Lieutenant Gabriel Moraga, in command, with thirty-five cavalrymen; Lieutenant Narciso Fabregat, with fifteen of the Mazatlan infantry; four artillery- men with a small cannon, and a large number of native allies, both neophytes and gentiles. Moraga's instructions were to march to the Colorado and to the Amajava ranchería, where, if there proved to be any truth in the reports that had repeatedly reached San Gabriel, he was to capture all the fugitives and to give the gentiles such a lesson as they would not soon forget. The army marched November 22d from San Gabriel eastward into the desert. Padre Nuez kept
33 Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., ix. 45, 49, 51-2; Payeras, Memorial de ? de Junio, 1820, MS. Olivera, in Taylor's Discov. and Found., ii. No. 26. The party was to explore the Ugame Lake, Telame region, and San Gabriel River. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xlix. 43-4.
34 Sola's communications to Guerra and Moraga from Sept. 18th to Nov. 3d in Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 35-7, 45, 49; and especially in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xlix. 36-40, 43-4, 47-9; xlvi. 12-15. Padre Mar- tinez on Nov. 14th says the 50 men are not enough. Arch. Arzob., MS., iii. pt. ii. 113.
337
MORAGA'S RAID.
a diary of the expedition, which was under the com- bined patronage of Nuestra Señora del Pilar and Archangel Gabriel.35 There is little to be said further since nothing was accomplished. It was found that the Amajavas had revenged themselves for their treatment at San Buenaventura by ravages among the rancherías of gentiles; but after penetrating the desert for a distance estimated at seventy or eighty leagues, Moraga found that his horses and mules could go no farther for want of grass and water; and, turn- ing back, he reached San Gabriel December 14th, recommending another attempt at a more favorable season of the year.
The annals of 1820, so far as Indian affairs are con- cerned, present little or nothing of interest. Early in the year the Indians of the southern frontier be- tween San Diego and the Dominican mission of San Miguel were troublesome, particularly by their thefts of horses from the rancho del rey; and a little further north they burned the buildings of the Simi Rancho, for which act the leader was slain by Avila and Alva- rado of Los Angeles. 36 Rumors of impending hostil- ities from the Colorado tribes were still current; but
35 Nuez, Diario del Capellun de la Expedicion para los Amajavas, 1819, MS. Nov. 22d to Rancho de la Puente, 4 leagues; Nov. 23d, to Cucamonga, S 1 .; Nov. 24th to the Cajon de San Gabriel de Amuscopiabit, 9 1 .; Nov. 25th, to rancheria of Guadalupe de Guapiabit, 9.5 1 .; Nov. 26th, remained at Guada- lupe to rest mules; Nov. 27th, to rancheria of Animas Benditas de Alongai- bit (or Atongabi or Atonguibit or Atongayavit), 10 1. over the desert. Here was where the Amajavas had killed some neophytes of San Gabriel and San Fernando, whose bones were found and buried on Nov. 28th; Nov. 29th, to Jesus de Topipabit, 8 1 .; and to San Hilario de Cacanmeat (?) named three years before by Moraga, 3 1 .; Nov. 30th, to San Miguel de Sisuguina, or ran- chería del Diablo, 4 1 .; Dec. Ist, to San Joaquin y Sta Ana de Angayaba (or Agallaga), 14 1 .; 16 animals gave out on the way; Dec. 2d, Moraga with ten men went forward a long day's march past Atsamabeat to Guanachiqui; Dec. 3d-5th, dealings with the Indians who had suffered much from the Amajava raids, and back to Angayaba; Dec. 6th, back to Cerro de San Rafael; Dec. 7th-13th, back by same route to San Gabriel.
Moraga's report dated Dec. 16th adds nothing save that on the way back a gentile killed a boy to get his blauket. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xx. 236-8. Gonzalez, Experiencias, MS., 12, a soldier of the party still living (1879), says the boy killed was a servant of the padre. Reports of Guerra and Fabregat, and Sola's letters in Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xlix. 50-2; xlvi. 14-15; Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., v. 229; iv. 51-2.
36 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xx. 286-7; Id., Ben. Mil., xlix. 53; St. Pap. Sac., MS., vi. 19.
HIST. CAL., VOL. II. 22
338
EXPLORATIONS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS.
we hear no more of the proposed expedition in that direction. Neither was anything accomplished for the conversion of the Tulareños; though late in the autumn we find Payeras proposing to make in person a tour through the valley.37
In closing this part of the record for the decade allusion may be made to a peculiar class of informa- tion on Indian affairs; that is, to the statements ob- tained by me from old residents, many of which extend back to this decade and still more to the next. Nat- urally there is no subject more interesting to old Californians than the Indian campaigns of their youth- ful days or those of which they have heard their fathers talk. Neither is it strange that I find in these narratives a general uncertainty as to exact dates; much confusion, inaccuracy, and exaggeration, and not a little falsehood. I find many accounts of definite events that agree wonderfully with the orig- inal reports of the archives, and such matter of course I use like similar original testimony in each case. About other accounts of purely imaginary events, to- gether with errors of detail in statements that are generally accurate, I say nothing, since in these manu- script narratives, written especially for my use and not for the public, it is my duty to search simply for the truth and not to point out defects. But there is also matter of a third class, statements more or less inaccurate but founded on facts not clearly recorded in the archives, which it would be hazardous to embody in chronological history, but which nevertheless merits brief notice, such as I give it in notes here and later.33
37 St. Pup. Sac., MS., xviii. 34.
38 1812, etc., the Indians of Tachi had pits from which they discharged their arrows, into which the soldiers' horses often fell. Boronda, Notas, 15. Six men, including Inocente Garcia, under Sergt. José Dolores Pico went with Padre Arroyo and 30 Indian auxiliaries from San Juan Bautista over to the other side of Santa Rita to the rancherías of Jayaya and Tape to get some girls promised for converts; but the chief was absent and a fight ensued. Most ran away, but García and a few men continued the fight in aid of the Indian allies against the sergeant's orders, rescuing all but 2 who were killed, and all the horses. Garcia was put in the stocks by Pico, but was pardoned and given a furlough by the governor at Arroyo's intercession. Garcia, Hechos, MS., 10-15.
339
PERSONAL NARRATIVES.
I regret that my space does not permit more extended extracts from these narratives, which are often full of interest.
1813, Boronda gives some details of an expedition to Tachí in the Tulares region under Sergt. Espinoza. Notas, MS., 13-15. Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 103-7, says that soon after Quintana's murder, the padre of San José was attacked by 800 Indians in San Ramon Valley. Apolinario Bernal told the padre and the other soldier to run while he fought. He held the foe in check until his ammunition was gone and his horse killed, when he also died from loss of blood. 'The padres never wrote of this brave act; had it been a priest Rome would have echoed with it.' The death of Bernal was terribly avenged by the commandant of San Francisco.
About 1815, José Dolores Pico, corporal of the escolta of San Juan Bautista, while out after runaways was wounded with three arrows while warming himself at an Indian fire. A fight followed in which all the Indians but two were killed. García, Hechos, MS., 108-9. José de Jesus Pico told Mr Sav- age that he remembered, when he was a small boy, his father being brought in on a litter terribly wounded. Boronda, Notas, MS., 2-3, says he was wounded on the Reyes River about 1816.
Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 172-8; and García, Hechos, MS., 106, speak of an expedition under Sergt. Ignacio Vallejo in May 1818 against the Indians of the Tulares, who under Chalpinich of the rancheria of Joyima made hostile demonstrations against San Luis, San Antonio, San Miguel, and Soledad. Sergt. Pico was second in command. There were two hard fights, one at El Pleito on the Rio Nacimiento and the other to raise a siege on San Miguel. The Indians were terribly punished and driven back into the Tulares. I think no such affair could have taken place in or about 1818, and there is somne error of date.
Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 170-1, tells us that Sola was very careful to conciliate the wild tribes, making regular treaties, issuing regular despachos to the chiefs, and renewing these every year. The treaties bound the Span- iards to aid the tribe against hostile tribes who had no treaty and to be neutral in quarrels with such as had treaties, always after the padres had tried in vain to effect a conciliation. Gifts were often made to the chiefs, who were always entitled to food, etc., on presenting their despacho.
In 1820 Amador, Memorias, MS., 17, records an expedition of Sanchez with 25 soldiers, 15 vecinos of San Jose, and 50 Indians against the Cosumnes. The Indians were attacked at daybreak and 8 or 10 were killed, and 70 horses recovered. García, Hechos, MS., 105-7, speaks of another expedition under Soto to the Mariposas, the rancheria of Nopochinches being named, in which 300 Indians of all ages and sexes were brought in to San Juan Bautista.
CHAPTER XVI.
LOCAL ANNALS OF THE SOUTH. 1811-1820.
SAN DIEGO PRESIDIO-OFFICIALS-TROUBLES OF CAPTAIN RUIZ-POPULA- TION-STATISTICS-PROPOSED REMOVAL-PETTY OCCURRENCES OF A DE- CADE-MISSION SAN DIEGO-PADRE PANTO POISONED-NEW CHURCH- CHAPEL AT SANTA ISABEL-SAN LUIS REY-A PROSPEROUS MISSION -- BRANCH AT PALA-SAN JUAN CAPISTRANO-EARTHQUAKE-LOS AN- GELES-LIST OF CITIZENS-PUEBLO CHAPEL-PRIVATE RANCHOS-SAN GABRIEL-FRANCISCO DUMETZ-JOSÉ DE MIGUEL-BEGINNING AT SAN BERNARDINO-FATHERS MUÑOZ AND URRESTI-SAN FERNANDO-SANTA BÁRBARA PRESIDIO-BIOGRAPHY OF CAPTAIN JOSÉ ARGUELLO-FORCE AND POPULATION-EVENTS-MISSION-PADRE AMESTOY-NEW CHURCH -SAN BUENAVENVENTURA-PURÍSIMA-REMOVAL-SANTA INÉS.
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