History of California, Volume II, Part 21

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 826

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In 1813 no supplies, and no prospect of any in the near future, so far as rare letters from Mexico threw

10 Feb. 4, 1813, Arrillaga to viceroy. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 130; April 9, 1813, report of president. Arch. Sta B., MS., xii. 90-1. See, however, tlie more important references in the local annals of the places named. Accounts of this earthquake in books and newspapers have been numerous but never accurate.

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light on the subject. The comandantes represented to the governor the destitute condition of the troops. The governor could do nothing but express his sympathy and echo the complaints in letters to the viceroy.11 Yet the friars had as yet shown no unwill- ingness to take the regular drafts on Guadalajara in pay- ment for such supplies as they could furnish, and more- over partial relief was obtained from several different sources this year. The Lima trade began with the arrival of the Flora and Tagle, which brought up cargoes of cloth and miscellaneous goods to barter for tallow, hides, and other produce; and not only did the government get these cargoes in exchange for produce, but even induced one of the captains to take a draft on the treasury for $2,000. Captain Noé of the Flora also brought another windfall into the coffers at the capital by his seizure of the American smuggler Mer- cury, Captain Ayres, from which the friars had doubt- less already drawn some contraband stores. It was not deemed legal to confiscate for California use the cargo of the prize, strong as was the temptation. But neither did it appear quite safe to intrust to the ocean again $16,000 in money found on board, and therefore a draft on the treasury was sent to Mexico instead! By this shrewd operation California was a gainer, and the treasury officials had no just cause of complaint.

Another source of relief was found at Ross. Ga- briel Moraga repeated his visit of investigation to the Russian settlement, and once more the advantages of mutual trade were urged to a not unwilling listener. The result was that, officially, Arrillaga simply re- ported to the viceroy the proposition in connection

11 Commandants of San Francisco and Santa Bárbara to governor, no shirts and little food. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 341, 344. Feb. 4th, Arrillaga to viceroy. No pay for three years. Presidios in a sad condition. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 129. May 3d, Arrillaga to Guerra, no money; 10 ships like the Flora could not supply the presidios. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 218-19. March 3d, Juan José Zestaje from San Blas, says there have been no letters received from Mexico in six months, and there is no hope of memorias. Id., vi. 112.

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THE QUESTION OF SUPPLIES.

with provincial needs. Whether he consented per- sonally to the proposed trade is not clearly known; but, with or without his consent, Luis Argüello allowed Kuskof to send to San Francisco in bidarkas goods to the amount of $14,000, and commercial rela- tions with Ross were rarely interrupted later. Argüe- llo's arrangements with the friars and settlers in this enterprise, by which he obtained the supplies for Russian trade, are as mysterious as his understanding with the governor.

That the authorities, secular and missionary, were more anxious about the condition of affairs in Mexico than they wished to appear, is evident from the flurry caused by the affair of the cannon at San Pedro. Noé left the guns to make room for more tallow; but strange rumors were circulated of insurgent or Amer- ican plots, and it was deemed best to have the cannon spiked.

In 1814 there were few official communications from Mexico, and these contained no news of public affairs 12 or the probability of relief for the soldiers. Neither do I find any complaints on record. Arrillaga notified the commandants in June that their companies would be furnished with supplies by the missions of their respective jurisdictions, and a circular of similar im- port from the president to the friars shows that the epoch of controversy had not yet begun. The Tagle came back from Lima with a cargo of merchandise, and captured the American Pedler; but the capture did the Californians no good, since no proof of smug- gling could be produced, and the vessel had to be released. The brig Santa Eulalia sold the presidios

12 A royal appeal to the insurgents seems to have been sent over from Sonora for publication in California. S. José, Patentes, MS., 126-7. Oct. 10th was received the joyful news of the return of Fernando VII. to Spain from his eaptivity in France, also the arrival of the allied army in Paris. The news was taken from a Habana paper. It was celebrated at San Carlos by ringing of bells, illuminations, and te deum. Vallejo, Doc. ITist. Cal., MS., xxviii. 15.

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goods to the amount of $16,000 for treasury drafts.13 A small amount of money was probably obtained from the English vessels Isaac Todd and Raccoon, which touched at Monterey and San Francisco re- spectively, and the former of which left in California its first foreign resident, John Gilroy. As to the Rus- sian source of relief, though Moraga was despatched a third time to Ross, and this time with the strictest viceregal and gubernatorial orders that the settle- ment must be abandoned, yet Kuskof found it hard to understand an unwelcome order in a foreign lan- guage, and he sent his clerk Slobodchikof to San Francisco with the usual cargo as if nothing had hap- pened, and under Argüello's protection it was disposed of without difficulty.

Meanwhile the attention of both friars and soldiers was turned toward the great valley of the Tulares, as a tract that it would be necessary to occupy with mis- sions and a presidio at an early date for the protection of the coast settlements against the scourge of an Apache-like warfare. The gentiles were becoming accustomed to the use of horses, and their country was too rapidly becoming a place of refuge for runa- way neophytes. Sergeant Soto had fought a sharp battle on the lower San Joaquin the year before. Father Martinez explored the valley further south this year, and in the following years, as related in another chapter, expeditions for war and exploration were not infrequent. The missionaries thought that the rancherías of the late region might be converted into Christians and allies before they became entirely bad by association with northern tribes and apostates, but nothing was accomplished.

The province had now to part with its ruler, Colonel Don José Joaquin de Arrillaga, who died at Soledad Mission on July 24, 1814, at the age of sixty-four.

13 Arch. Arzob., MS., ii. 99-100; Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 110- 12.

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DEATH OF GOVERNOR ARRILLAGA.

Earlier in this year he had suffered from an attack of malignant fever, but had recovered. In June, however, while on a tour of inspection, he was again attacked by a serious illness, and hastened to Soledad so as to be under the care of his old friend Father Ibañez. He had never married and by the terms of his will cated July 15th a sister inherited most of his prop- erty. His remains were interred on Tuesday, July 26th, at 10 A. M., under the centre of the mission church with appropriate ceremonies conducted by Ibañez.14

1ª José Joaquin de Arrillaga was born at Aya, province of Guipúzcoa, Spain, of noble parentage in 1750. He entered the military service as volunteer in the presidial company of San Miguel de Horcasitas, Sonora, on Nov. 25, 1777, became alférez March 30, 1778, served as lieutenant from July 14, 1780, in the companies of San Sabas and La Bahía, Texas, was promoted to be captain on June 12, 1783, and in November of that year arrived at Loreto to take com- mand of the presidio as lieut .- governor of the Californias. At this time he had merited the praise of his superiors in three campaigns under Col. Juan Bautista de Anza and in two battles against the Seris and Pimas. Arrillaga, Hojas de Servicio, 1791, 1795, 1798, MS. On the death of Gov. Romeu, April 9, 1792, Arrillaga became governor ad interim of the Californias, and by the viceroy's order came to Monterey in July 1793. He held his position until Borica took possession as proprietary governor at Loreto on May 14, 1794, though he remained in charge at the north until Borica's arrival in October of the same year. Then he returned to his old position of lieut .- governor at Loreto, being commissioned lieut .- colonel on Nov. 15, 1794. St. Pap., Sac., MS., i. 55; xvii. 1. His chief work for the next five years was the tedious and difficult one. of regulating the presidial accounts of both Californias, which were in a sad state of disorder. He toiled patiently and long, showing much skill as an accountant. He also made in person several exploring expeditions on the north-eastern frontier, toward the Colorado River, involving several fights with the Indians. In December 1798, Gov. Borica credited him with ability, experience, zeal, prudence, courage, and irreproachable conduct. St. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 70. Dec. 2, 1799, Arrillaga petitioned the king for the governorship of the Californias or of some other province, recounting his past services. Borica warmly indorsed the petition. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxvi. 10-13. Before the petition was answered Arrillaga became once more governor ad interim of the Californias on Borica's departure in January 1300. But his power was purely political until the death of Alberni, the comandante de armas in March 1802, when the military command also devolved on him, though he remained at Loreto instead of coming to the capital. On March 26, 1804, he was appointed by the king military and political governor of Alta California, the news reaching that province in December, and he was at once formally recognized, but did not come to Monterey until January 1806. In 1809 he was warmly thanked by the guardian of San Fernando for his many favors to the Franciscans. Arch. Arzob., MS., ii. 72. A little later as age and infirmities crept upon him he asked the king to be retired from the service and allowed to return to Spain; but the reply, accompanying a colonel's commission, was that his services could not be dispensed with in California. His will of July 15, 1814, after the usual declaration of faith in the trinity orders his body to be shrouded in the Franciscan habit and buried at the mission where he may chance to die. One hundred masses were to be said for his soul at San Miguel and also at San Antonio. Various sums from

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THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD-HARD TIMES.

Arrillaga's character and abilities as a man and an officer may be deduced from the annals of his time al- ready before the reader. From the day of his enlist- ment to his death no fault was found with his conduct by superiors, by subordinates, or by the friars. As a soldier, officer, and provincial ruler, he obeyed every order and performed every duty with zeal, courage, and good faith; and he did this with so much tact that as a rule he made no enemies. Extremely pious and attached to the missionaries he yet seems to have es- caped the reputation of frailero in its offensive sense. In every station he was a model, and like other mod- els of good conduct, could make no claims to origin- ality or greatness. Beyond the obedience of orders and the faithful performance of routine duties his abilities, or at least his ambition, did not carry him. Like Portolá and Rivera of earlier times he could exe- cute, but he could not like Neve and Borica devise. His weakest or least agreeable quality was his com- parative apathy, his lack of enthusiastic confidence in the future of his province, his tendency to throw cold water on every measure proposed for the welfare of California. He had reason enough perhaps for his discouragement, but so ready an admission of it ill be- came a ruler. Of foreign visitors Vancouver is the only one who said anything unfavorable of Arrillaga, and he wrote in a peevish spirit without just cause of complaint.

$25 to $100 were bequeathed to different servants. Sums aggregating $2,182 were named as due him. He says he had one older brother, Miguel Ignacio, three married sisters, and one unmarried, Maria Josefa, whom he had promised to aid and whom he named as his heiress. Alférez José Mariano Estrada was named as executor and directed to sell all his effects at auction. Arrillaga, Testamento, 1814, MS. The cause of his death was intestinal liemorrhage. Dorotea Valdés, Reminiscences, MS., 1, 2; Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 38; and J. J. Vallejo, Reminiscencias, MS., 68-9, speak of the ceremonies at Arrillaga's funeral and the decoration of his grave in later years. His burial is briefly recorded by Ibanez in the Soledad, Lib. Mision, MS., 21. His fur- niture, plate, etc., brought $2,869 at auction; but as late as 1819 the estate had not been settled on account of the delay in adjusting his arrears of salary. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 140; St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 30-1. On his character in addition to the authorities already cited, see Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 98-9; Romero, Memorias, MS., 11, 12. Arrillaga had so far as I know no kindred in California.

207

ARGÜELLO ACTING GOVERNOR.

In person the governor, as remembered by those who knew him and are still living, was tall, with fair ruddy skin and blue eyes. In manner he was abrupt at times, but usually courteous and affable; generous to all, cordial and frank in his intercourse with the officers, kind-hearted and witty; popular with the sol- diers who used to call him Papa Arrillaga, but always ready in official transactions to put on that sternness of demeanor so essential from a Spanish point of view to dignity. He was very fond of serving as god- father and groomsman, and no baptism or wedding in the highest circles was deemed altogether complete and satisfactory without his services. He had also a weakness for silk in clothing and ornament. Most of his gifts to friends were of that material, and after his death large quantities of silk handkerchiefs and stock- ings were found in his trunks. He was a fairly good writer, as is shown in his official correspondence, and his accomplishments included a knowledge of the French language.

Captain José Argüello, comandante of Santa Bár- bara, by his seniority of rank, became acting governor on Arrillaga's death without any formal appointment or recognition so far as the archives show.15 Neither is there any record of his official acts and policy dur- ing his brief rule, beyond a few routine communica- tions of trivial import. He remained at his post at Santa Bárbara most if not all the time instead of coming to reside at the capital.16 On the same day that a proprietary governor was appointed, the last of the year, Argüello was named as governor of Lower California; but he remained of course in charge until

15 It is not unlikely that the letters of the commandants recognizing Argüe- llo may have been lost or have escaped my notice; but the viceroy's approval may never have come, or only with the appointment of a successor.

16 He was at Santa Bárbara as late as June 17, 1815, when he writes to Guerra to come and take the command. Vallejo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., xxviii. 108. See also chap. xiv. of this volume, for some of his communications on the Russian question derived from Russian sources. Argüello's succession is mentioned in Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., vi. 107-8; Prov. St. Pap., MIS., xix. 372.

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his successor arrived. Some of the Californians, such as Vallejo and Alvarado, who subsequently became fiery republicans, looking at the past days of their boyhood through the colored glasses of later opinions, allude to a party of independents who favored Argue- llo, and were displeased that he was not made gov- ernor. That many would have preferred Argüello to a stranger is likely; but not that political views had anything to do with this preference, or that there was any independent party in California at the time; while it is certain that José Argüello was the last man in the province who would have entertained revolutionary ideas, being preëminently Spaniard, loyalist, conserv- tive, and a friend of the friars.

The new ruler appointed by Viceroy Calleja on December 31, 1814, was Lieutenant-colonel Pablo Vicente de Sola, of whose past life and services we know only that he was a Spaniard, an officer of the royal army; had a brother who was a friar in the college of San Fernando; and had served temporarily as habilitado general of the Californias in Mexico.17 Sola took the oath, and in a sense formal possession of his office before General José de la Cruz, under whom he had served, at Guadalajara on March 31, 1815. He arrived at Tepic May 16th, and landed at Monterey from the Paz y Religion after a voyage of seventy-five or eighty days, the 30th of August.13

17 Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 140-3, and Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 42- 3, state that Sola, being a man of liberal ideas, was selected by the viceroy to reorganize the government of California according to the Spanish consti- tution of 1812, secularize the missions, etc .; but I find no foundation what- ever for such a statement.

18 I have Sola's original letter of Sept. 5, 1815, to the padres of San Anto- nio, in which he announces his appointment, arrival, etc. S. Antonio, Doc. Sueltos, MS., 71-2. Same date to President Senan, to viceroy, and to the commandants, conveying the same information. Prov. Rec., MS., xii. 107; ix. 134-5; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 372. Id., Ben. Mil., xlix. 41; Arch. Sta B., MS., xi. 160. April 17, 1815, the president addressed a circular to the padres announcing that Sola had a brother in the college, which fact promised well. In August he had found sentiments of piety, etc., in the new governor. Arch. Sta B., MS., xi. 159-60. In a letter of Nov. 14th, Sola signs himself, 'Don Pablo Vicente Sola, teniente coronel de los Reales Ejércitos, Goberna- dor Político y Militar de la Alta California, y Comandante Inspector de las tropas que guarnecen sus Presidios.' Prov. Rec., xii. 112.

203

ARRIVAL OF SOLA.

Juan Bautista Alvarado narrates in considerable detail the ceremonies and festivities of the next day or two by which the new ruler was welcomed. Friars, settlers, and Indians came to Monterey from all the country round. President Señan, with twenty padres and thirty native musicians and singers, headed by 'José el Cantor,' marched in procession to the presidio chapel to chant a te deum, and were soon joined by Sola with the officers and soldiers, whose advance was amid salutes of artillery. After mass the president made a speech suitable to the occasion. Then after the religious ceremonies there was a review of the troops in the plaza, and a discourse by the new gov- ernor, received with loud vivas.

In the executive mansion Sola was waited on by a delegation of twenty young girls, who, through Doña Magdalena Estudillo, delivered an address of welcome, all kissing his hand and receiving gifts of bonbons. A feast followed, the tables being laden with the delicacies of the province, game and other meats, the olive of San Diego, the orange of San Gabriel, the wines of San Fernando, and the ‘oven- fruits' of the famous San Antonio flour. The dishes were decorated with flowers from the garden of Felipe García, whose daughters waited on the table. After the repast soldiers in vaquero costume gave exhibitions of horsemanship; the inevitable bull and bear fight took place, and in the evening a grand ball was given by the ladies of Monterey at the commandant's house, which lasted till dawn. Two days later Sola was entertained with much ceremony at San Carlos by the missionaries and neophytes. 19

That Sola found the province, or rather the troops, in a state of destitution the reader already understands. It does not appear that the Paz y Religion brought

19 Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 47-68. The author was a young school-boy at the time; but his memory of details, most of which I omit, was probably refreshed by later conversations with his elders.

HIST. CAL., VOL. II. 14

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any supplies, 20 and Sola's first letter to the viceroy announcing his safe arrival contained a complaint of serious want among the soldiers and the defenceless condition of the ports. For years no official commu- nication was sent to Mexico which did not embody a similar complaint. Coming from the tumults of New Spain, Sola naturally gave his attention largely at first to coast defences and early took a decided stand on all matters connected with foreign relations, though this did not last long. Early in 1815 Argüello had forwarded peremptory orders to Kuskof at Ross that the Russian settlement must be abandoned; but as usual no definite reply was elicited, and only ten days before Sola's arrival the Suvarof had touched at San Francisco, brought a new proclamation addressed by the company to the people of California, and found no difficulty in disposing of her cargo. About the same time the Chirikof and Ilmen had obtained large quantities of grain at San Francisco. The new ruler at once took steps to investigate the acts of Luis Argüello in this connection, administering at the same time a sharp rebuke. In September he also showed his strict devotion to Spanish laws by ordering the arrest of Eliot de Castro and Boris Tarakanof of the Ilmen, who, emboldened by past success, were pushing their contraband and otter-hunting enterprise with impunity in the south. The two captives were sent to San Blas on the same vessel that had brought Sola, though they were brought back next year. While the governor, however, would abate nothing of his patriotic zeal against the existence of a foreign colony on California soil, it did not take him more than a month or two to appreciate the needs of the province and the extreme desirability, or rather the utter necessity, of a foreign trade. The British ship Columbia in July and August had obtained from Argüello a promise to submit a commercial proposi-

20 Though the captain 'happened to have' $2,000 worth of cloths which the governor bought with his own money. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 167-8.

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DANGER IMMINENT.

tion with his recommendation to the viceroy. And we soon see Sola willing to go even further in the matter; for when the Colonel came in August 1816 instead of the Columbia, notwithstanding the viceroy's positive orders lately received to permit no trade, the governor yielded to the solicitations of his officers and men and bartered for needed articles about $7,000 worth of supplies obtained from the missions for that purpose, confessing to the viceroy his deliberate dis- obedience of superior orders, but pleading necessity as his justification.21

The prevalent want was increased by the non- arrival in 1815-16 of the Lima ships, which before had brought goods to exchange for tallow. The fail- ure of this source of relief also indicated that some- thing was amiss in the south; and in June 1816 the reason was known through despatches from Mazatlan by way of the peninsula, recounting the hostilities of the Buenos Ayres insurgents at Guayaquil and Callao, and the imminent danger of an attack on the north- ern coasts. If Sola had before felt anxious about the weakness of California coasts defences, his fears were multiplied on receipt of this alarm. The news was immediately forwarded to each comandante with orders to prepare for defence. A sharp lookout must be kept; cartridges must be made of the least valu- able of the archives if necessary; the men of the artillery militia company must be summoned to the presidios for instruction; and if the insurgents ap- peared they must be resisted to the last drop of blood. These orders were issued on June 23d, and on the same day circulars were sent to every mission so ex- peditiously that in seven days every friar had received the document and sent a favorable reply. At each mission fifteen or twenty native vaqueros were to be ready at a moment's notice to go armed with riatas to their respective presidios; the Indians were to be praised and exhorted to loyalty; the most valuable of

21 See chap. xiii., this volume.

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the church property was to be boxed up for conceal- ment; and on the approach of a suspicious vessel cattle were to be driven to the interior. The answer from all came promptly that they would obey instruc- tions and do all that was possible, but each coman- dante deplored the lack of an effective armament, and called for aid which could not be furnished.22 The insurgents did not yet appear; but in October the San Carlos brought up to Monterey a cargo of war- stores sent by the comandante general of Nueva Galicia from San Blas in response to Sola's-demands and by the viceroy's order.23

Want prevailed at the presidios, and complaints were continual.24 The ordinary or irregular sources of supply were more limited than for several years past. As I have remarked, no Lima ships came in 1816. Neither is there any evidence of trade with the Russians; for in the interview between Sola and Kuskof during Kotzebue's visit at San Francisco,

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History of California, Volume II, Part 21

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 826

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 826