History of California, Volume II, Part 2

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 826

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Note: The text from this book was generated using artificial intelligence so there may be some errors. The full pages can be found on Archive.org (link on the Part 1 page).

CHRONOLOGICAL RECORD OF EVENTS.

at least. One presidio on the Colorado would not suffice, and no proper survey for the location of a presidio had ever been made. There were no men to spare in New Nexico; reinforcements for California could with proper precautions cross the country with- out the road or a protecting presidio, and finally, the opening of the new route would probably lead to hos- tilities with the Indians of the Colorado region.5 In accordance with these views the matter was dropped, though the main proposition of dividing the province was favored by both counsellors and was still an open question. Another scheme for the good of California was considered and allowed to drop out of sight. This was the proposition of Lieutenant Luis Perez de Tagle of Manila, who asked the king's license to bring a colony from the Philippines and establish it on the coast of California. In his petition Don Luis had much to say of his father's services and his own de- sire to serve the king. He had been at Monterey and knew the country's needs. His purpose was to build up commerce and head off the English and Dutch. His proposition was submitted to the viceroy and gov- ernor, and perhaps one reason why no more is heard of it was the modest demand of Perez to be put in command of Monterey and the coast.6

Peace with England and with Russia was announced in California at the end of 1802; fears of foreign inva- sion, by no means very strong in these times after so many false alarms, were thus removed; and not even a Yankee trader made her appearance on the coast so

3 Borbon, Parecer sobre el Proyecto de abrir via de Comunicacion entre Cali- fornia y N. Mexico y establecer un Presidio á la Entrada de Rio Colorado, 1801, MS., dated March 4th. Nava, Informe sobre Proyecto de abrir caminos entre California y N. Mexico, 1801, MS., dated July 20th. The fiscal's report con- tains a full statement of what had been done and proposed in past years con- corning overland communication. June 9th, Colorado Indians not to be baptized at present. Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 238.

6 April 7, 1801, petition of Perez, forwarded Sept. Ist, by viceroy to gov- ernor. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 105-13. Nov. 7th, Arrillaga deems the project a very useful one. Prov. Rec., MS., x. 12. Mentioned as a measure against English invasion, with nothing of results, in Virreyes, Instrucciones, 211.

DEATH OF ALBERNI.

far as the records show.7 Pedro de Alberni, military commandant of Alta California,' died at Monterey on the 11th of March. He had come in 1796 as captain of the Catalan volunteers, and by virtue of his supe- rior rank had been commandant of San Francisco until, ranking Arrillaga, he had been transferred to Monterey in 1800 on Borica's departure. His high positions in the province having been purely acci- dental, he has left little in the records from which we may form any estimate of his character and ability, but he had been for some years from about 1774 in command of the Jaliscan province of Nayarit, where he had rendered himself popular with both mission- aries and natives; and he had commanded in 1790 the · detachment of volunteers sent to garrison Nootka, where he made himself a favorite with the Indians, and left his name attached to one of the inlets on the coast of Vancouver Island. At his death the mili- tary command passed naturally into the hands of Arrillaga, who from Loreto communicated directly with the presidio commanders. Lieutenant José Font took command of the volunteer company.8 Locally

7 Oct. 9, 1802, viceroy ordered high mass in honor of peace between Spain and Russia. This order was transmitted by Arrillaga to Lasuen Dec. Il, and by Lasuen to his padres Jan. 16, 1803. Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 137-9. Dec. 10, 1802, Lasuen circulates order for high mass for peace between Spain and England. Id., iv. 133-5, also July 25th, mass for peace with Portugal. Arch. Sta B., MS., xi. 150-1. Both of these are original documents and bear the signatures of various padres who complied with the order. July 1, 1802, a circular of the bishop about a tax on legacies in aid of the war. Arch. Sta B., MS., v. 68-73; vi. 208-303. The Spanish vessels of the year were the Activo, under Alférez Manuel de Murga, which arrived at San Francisco July 23. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 227; and the Princesa, whose arrival at San Diego is noted by Arrillaga at Loreto in the note of Nov. 6. Prov. Rec., MS., xii. 17.

8 Alberni was a native of Tortosa in Cataluña, Spain. Prov. Rec., MS., v. 83. His service in Nayarit, recorded in Maseres, Informe, MS., and Nayarit, Informe de la Aud. de Guadalajara, 1784, MS. His correspondence in the archives is somewhat extensive, but chiefly of a routine character. Much of it has already been cited in the notes of the preceding volume. On Dec. 16, 1801, being very ill of dropsy he made his will in which he declared himself to be 54 years of age, the son of Jaime de Alberni and Josefa Texedor, and married to Juana Velez, a native of Tepic, who had a daughter now dead. His estate was worth about $9,000 and he made his wife sole heir, naming Sergt. Ticó as executor. He received the riático on Feb. Ist, and died on March 10th or Ilth. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., vi. 25; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 161, 183, 187, 192; Prov. Rec., MS., x. 15, 71; xi. 168. After his

CHRONOLOGICAL RECORD OF EVENTS.

I note in 1802 a deadly epidemic at Soledad, a hurri- cane at San Francisco which played havoc with the roofs, and a favorable assay at Monterey of silver ore from the hills.

Several important matters occupied the friars' atten- tion this year, one being a proposal from Mexico to change the mission system by adopting the plan for- merly favored by Neve for the Channel missions; that is to leave the natives after conversion in their ran- cherías, requiring occasional visits by and to the padres for instruction and the performance of spiritual duties. The guardian of course opposed the change, but he called on Lasuen for a new statement of the argu- ments against it. The president in reply, besides dwelling on the fact that the Indians could be in- duced to change their habits only under the constant supervision of missionaries, recalled the tragic results of a former experiment on the Rio Colorado; and referred to the comparative failure in Baja California and at San Diego, where the sterility of the soil ren- dered necessary a practice somewhat similar to that proposed. He believed the innovation would be in every respect injurious, and the viceroy decided that it should not be attempted.9

Another question, by no means a new one, was that of chaplain's service at the presidios and pueblos. It does not appear that there were at this time any local troubles resulting from a refusal of the friars to render this service; but the governor urged the ap- pointment of chaplains, complaining that the mission- aries had not been given the necessary powers, that it was an inconvenience for soldiers to go to the mis- sions for sacraments, and that it was bad for their morals to be free from a curate's supervision. The

death there came from the viceroy a leave of absence dated April 3d. St. Pap., Soc., MS., iii. 33. Arrillaga puts Font in charge of the company. St. Pap., Miss., MS., iii. 24.

9 Lasuen, Informe sobre inconvenientes de dejar á los Indios en sus Ranche- rías despues de bautizados, 1802, MS. Lasuen's argument was dated June 16, 1802, and the viceroy's decision, Feb. 2, 1803.

TROUBLES OF THE FRIARS.

viceroy's advisers in Mexico took the ground that the evil complained of was not a very serious one. The distance to be traversed by soldiers and settlers was not greater than was often the case in sub-pueblos in other provinces; the president now had castrense power which he could delegate, and it would be very difficult if not impossible to obtain secular clergymen for chaplains. It need not be said that no chaplains were appointed. The truth is, the friars wanted not secular chaplains but compensation for doing chaplain duty, while the government was not willing to ap- point chaplains, because their pay must come from the treasury, and could not legally be taken from the pious fund.19 Finally the friars were troubled this year and the next by land complications. The minis- ters of Soledad replied at some length to a complaint from those of San Carlos about a rancho of San Gero- nimo. The president's reply was that no such com- plaint had ever been made. The ministers of San Carlos in turn called for the expulsion of settlers from the rancho of Buena Vista, a step promised by Borica whenever the mission should need its lands. Arri- llaga decided that as temporary governor he had no authority in the matter, and advised a petition to the superior government. Again the padres of San Juan Bautista were ordered to remove their cattle from the rancho of La Brea granted to Mariano Castro. They refused, and the matter was referred succes- sively to president, guardian, and viceroy, the latter finally deciding that if the friars' statements were true Castro must settle elsewhere.11

10 Fiscal's opinions, September 1802, in Arch. Sta. B., MS., v. 79-85; ix. 26-34. Oet. 18th, Lasuen to guardian, says the bishop has addressed Tapis as chaplain of Santa Barbara, to which he, Lasuen, has replied that there was no such appointment, title, or pay. Id., xii. 367-8. 1804, Carnicer spoken of as chaplain of the troops. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxxiv. 20. July 15, 1806, Arrillaga complains to viceroy that while the natives have plenty of spiritual instruction, the gente de razon are deprived of it, many soldiers being in prison for failure to comply with church duties, because they do not know the doctrina. Prov Rec., MS., ix. SS-9.

11 Oct. 16, 1802, padres of Soledad to president. Oct. 26th, reply. Arch. Arcob., MS., ii. 11, 12. April 2d, padres of San Carlos to Gov. June 16th,

CHRONOLOGICAL RECORD OF EVENTS.

The Californians-by which term for a time we are to understand Mexican residents in California-were now called upon to part with the venerable friar, Padre Fermin Francisco de Lasuen, for thirty years a mis- sionary in the province, and for eighteen years presi- dent of the missions. He died at San Carlos on June 26, 1803, at two o'clock in the afternoon, and was buried next day by six of his brother religious, with all possible solemnity and pomp, in a stone sepulchre at the foot of the altar on the gospel side within the mis- sion church. We have no details respecting his last illness, and the correspondence that has been preserved respecting his death is exceedingly and surprisingly meagre. Though Lasuen's name stands second and not first chronologically in the list of Franciscan prelates, though no pen of brother friar or friend has recorded his life and virtues, I cannot but regard Lasuen as first thus far in California, both as man and missionary. In him were united the qualities that make up the model or ideal padre, without taint of hypocrisy or cant. In person he was small and compact, in expression viva- cious, in manners always agreeable, though dignified. He was a frank, kind-hearted old man, who made friends of all he met. Distinguished visitors of French and English as well as of Spanish blood were impressed in like manner with his sweetness of disposition and quiet force of character. His relations with the college, with the government, and with his band of missionary workers were always harmonious, often in somewhat trying circumstances, though no one of the Franciscans had moreclearly defined opinions than he. Noneof them had a firmer will, or were readier on occasion to express their views. His management of the mission interests for eighteen years affords abundant evidence of his untiring zeal and of his ability as a man of business. His writings, of which I have many, both original and

reply. Id., ii. 9-11. Dee. 30, 1883, guardian to V. R. Feb. 24, 1804, V. R. to Gov. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 385-6. Nov. 2, 1803, Gov. to Com. of Monterey. Prov. Rec., MS., xi. 185.

PRESIDENT LASUEN.

copied, prepossess the reader in favor of the author by their comparative conciseness of style. Of his fervent piety there are abundant proofs; and his piety and humility were of an agreeable type, unobtrusive, and blended with common-sense. He overcame obstacles in the way of duty, but he created no obstacles for the mere sake of surmounting them. There was in him nothing of the bigot, ascetic, or fanatic; he was not the man to limp through life on a sore leg if a cure could be found; and we hear nothing of fasting and the scourge; but Padre Fermin-as he was every- where known-to a remarkable degree for his time and environment based his hopes of future reward on purity of life, kindness, and courtesy to all, and a zealous performance of duty as a man, a Christian, and a Franciscan. Let us remember the good qual- ities of Junípero Serra and others like him; let us make every allowance for their weaknesses; but first among the Californian prelates let us ever rank Fer- min de Lasuen as a friar who rose above his environ- ment and lived many years in advance of his times. 12

Estévan Tapis, who since 1798 had held a pro- visional patente from the college, immediately assumed the office of president, and the machinery of the Franciscan establishments continued to move smoothly

12 Fermin Francisco de Lasuen was a native of Vitoria, province of Álava, Spain. The date of his birth is not recorded, nor anything of his life until he sailed from San Blas on March 14, 1768. He reached Loreto April 1st, and was assigned to the mission of San Francisco de Borja. In March 1769 he went up to Velicatá to bless Rivera's expedition starting for the north. In May 1773 he left Loreto, was at Velicata in July, and on Angust 30th arrived at San Diego. He served at San Gabriel from Dec. 1773 to Sept. 1775; at San Juan Capistrano through 1776; and at San Diego until 1785, when he was elected president. During his term of office, from Sept. of that year, his head-quarters was at San Carlos, but in addition to his freqnent tours through all the missions, he was at Santa Clara almost continuously from 1786 to 1789, at San Buenaventura in 1797, and at San Luis Obispo from Oct. 1799 to August 1800. In May 1795 he received a few votes for the prelacy of his college, but Nogueira was elected. Arch. Sta B., MS., xii. 436. Mention of his death on June 26th. Id., viii. 177; xi. 73-4; Prov. Rec., MS., x. 73; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 241. Certificate of burial on June 27th, by Carnicer, in Monterey, Parroquia, MS., 105. In this document Lasuen is spoked of as 'Religioso Franciscano Observante, Presidente (Predi- cador?) General Apostólico de Propaganda Fide, Vicario Foraneo del Ilmo. Sr. Obispo de Sonora, Comisario de la Inquisicion de Mexico, y Presidente de

CHRONOLOGICAL RECORD OF EVENTS.

under its new management. That this system in its mechanical aspects was a very perfect one cannot be questioned.13

Several American trading craft made their appear- ance on the California coast this year, creating not a little excitement in some instances by attempts at smuggling, in the success of which the people were often hardly less interested than the Yankee captains. The Lelia Byrd was fitted out at Hamburg by Cap- tain Richard J. Cleveland of Salem, Massachusetts, who had just made a fortune by a four years' voyage or series of commercial adventures in the Pacific, during which he had touched the northern coast of America, but not of California, in partnership with William Shaler, and sailed in November 1801.14 Shaler

estas misiones de la Alta Nueva California, natural de la ciudad de Vitoria en la Provincia de Alaba, hijo de la Santa Provincia de Cantabria, é incorporado en el Apostólico Colegio de Misioneros de Propaganda Fide de San Fer- mando de Mexico.' June 28, 1803, padres ordered to apply the 20 masses as per usage to the dead president. Arch. Sta B., MS., xi. 73-5. Oct. 27, 1803, bishop of Sonora pays a high tribute to Lasuen's services and character. Id., xi. 100. An old Californian says that Lasuen had very fine polite French manners-his family being of French extraction. Taylor's Discov. and Found- ers, No. 31, ii. 193. 'Le Père Firmin de la Suen, Président des missions de la Nouvelle Californie, est un des hommes les plus estimables que j'aie jamais rencontrés; sa douceur, sa charité, son amour pour les Indiens sont inexpri- mables.' La Perouse, Voy., ii. 300. Malaspina praises Lasuen as of real apostolic presence and spirit, and of no common instruction and manners. Navarrete, Viages Apóc., 315. 'This personage was about 72 years of age (1792), whose gentle manners, united to a most venerable and placid counte- nance, indicated that tranquillized state of mind, that fitted him in an eminent degree for presiding over so benevolent an institution.' Vancouver's Voy., ii. 34. Further complimentary notice. Id., ii. 471-2. Vancouver, in the presi- dent's honor, gave his name to Pt Fermin and Pt Lasuen, still so called on modern maps. Lasuen's handwriting and autograph, in'S. Antonio, Doc. Sueltos, MS., 26.

12 June 30, 1803, Tapis to governor, Lasnen having died, the presidency devolves on me by virtue of patent of Jan. 26, 1798. Arch. Sta B., viii. 177. Sept. 20, 1803, viceroy to governor, of similar purport. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 91; ix. 27. Sept. 26th, guardian to Tapis, cheering him to his task, which he had sought through humility to avoid. He must be guided by the acts of his predecessors. Arch. Sta B., MS., ix. 46-50. Appointment of Tapis as vicario foraneo announced August 3, 1804. Arch. Arzob., MS., ii. 41. In July 1809 Tapis was reelected president of the missions. Sta Clara Parro- quia, MS., 23; S. José, Patentes, MS., 83-6; Arch. Sta B., MS., xi. 297. Tapis received in 1804 his appointment as vicario foranco y castrense. Arch. Sia B., MS., xi. 99-101; xii. 331; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 21; ix. 107; Prov. St. Pap., MIS., xviii. 333.

1. April 1, 1801, papers of the Lelia Byrd, 74 tons (but 175 tons according to Cleveland) under Capt. Forsyth, with crew of nine, signed Colonial Secre- tary Jefferson at Norfolk, Va. Indorsed at Hamburg by American Consul,

THE 'LELIA BYRD.'

was master, and Cleveland second in command. The vessel was loaded with a great variety of merchandise, which it was hoped to sell profitably on the west coast of America, no matter how, when, or where. After doubling Cape Horn, and meeting with some rather interesting adventures in May 1802, at Valparaiso, where they found the American ship Hazard, Captain Rowan, the navigators reached San Blas in July. Here and at the Tres Marias they waited over six months, and by adroit manœuvring, sending one of their number to Mexico, and as it appears by collusion with the commissary, they succeeded not only in selling goods to the amount of $10,000 and obtaining what supplies they needed, but also bought 1,600 otter- skins just arrived from California at prices which assured the success of the trip. An amusing feature of this and other similar narratives is the cool frank- ness with which the Americans and English present the evasion of all Spanish commercial and revenue regulations as an action altogether praiseworthy, and the efforts of the officials to enforce those regulations as correspondingly reprehensible.

Sailing from San Blas, January 25, 1803, after careening and 'boot-topping' the vessel at the Tres Marías, our adventurers sailed in February for San Diego where they were given to understand there was a lot of otter-skins that might be obtained advan- tageously. On the way they found eleven naked Indians to be the only inhabitants of San Clemente Island. On the evening of March 17th, the Lelia Byrd passed the fort at Point Guijarros without being hailed, and anchored in San Diego harbor. Next day Commandant Rodriguez with an escort of twelve men came on board to comply with the formalities required by superior instructions, with which the reader is already familiar. He took a memorandum of the

Oct. 22, 1801. Wm. Shaler in command. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 232. Count Roussillon, a distinguished Pole, sailed with Cleveland and Shaler, and was interested in the profits, but he left the vessel at San Blas.

CHRONOLOGICAL RECORD OF EVENTS.

provisions which the visitors pretended to need, and promised to supply them next day.15 At the same time he indicated the necessity under the laws of an immediate departure, and returned to shore leaving Sergeant Joaquin Arce with five men as a guard, and giving the Americans permission to land without vis- iting the presidio. Cleveland ridicules Rodriguez for his exceeding vanity, his absurd display of a little brief authority, and the characteristic pomp with which this arrant coxcomb performed his duties. I cannot deny that Don Manuel may have been some- what pompous in manner, but the head and front of his offending in the eyes of the Yankees was his inter- ference with their schemes of contraband trade. From Arce it was learned that Rodriguez had about a thou- sand skins, several hundred of which he had confis- cated recently from the Alexander, Captain Brown. Shaler made every effort to buy the skins, but in vain, because, as Cleveland puts it, Rodriguez " dared not indulge his desire of selling them to us." A visit was made to the shore, including an inspection of the battery at the point.

On March 21st Rodriguez came on board, received his pay for supplies, and took his leave after wishing the visitors a pleasant voyage. Preparations were completed for departure in great disappointment; but it was determined to make a final attempt to obtain the skins. It was known that the soldiers had small quantities which they would gladly dispose of if they could do so without detection. Two boats were ac- cordingly sent under cover of night to different parts of the bay shore. One returned with a few otter- skins; but the other was seized by the watchful com- mandant, the mate and two men being bound and left on the beach under a guard of three men. Next morning Cleveland went ashore with four men, each

13 Three cattle, nine arrobas of flour, one and a half fanegas of salt, and 24 chickens were the supplies asked for and received, according to the Span- ish record in the archives.

BATTLE AT SAN DIEGO.

armed with a brace of pistols, rescued the captives, and brought them off.16 Sails were set at once and the somewhat hazardous attempt was made of running out past the guns of the fort. The hoisting of a flag and the firing of a blank-cartridge from the battery had no effect, and when a nine-pound ball came across her bows the Lelia still kept on her course, with the Spanish soldiers on board forced to occupy the most exposed and conspicuous positions. As she passed the fort two broadsides from her six three-pounders were discharged at the battery; while many of the shots from on shore took effect in the rigging, and several struck the hull, one of them making an ugly hole between wind and water.17 Then the terrified Arce

16 But in a letter of April from S. Quintin-Dept. St. Pap., MS., iii. 203- 7 -- Cleveland simply says the men were released on his representations. He · also fired a gun as a signal of departure. Otherwise the letter agrees with his printed narrative.

11 Except in the last sentence I have followed substantially, with a few substitutions and corrections of Spanish names, Cleveland's own version of the affair. Cleveland's Narrative of Voyages and Commercial Enterprises. Cambridge, 1842, i. 210-21. It is a most interesting and well written book. This was Cleveland's only visit to California, but he gives a few items of information respecting subsequent visits of his associates. Another version is that of Rodriguez in his report to the governor dated April 10th. Rodri- guez, Lo Acaecido con Tripulantes de la Fragata 'Lelia Bird,' con motivo de Compra de Nútrias, 1803, MS.

About the fight the two narratives do not exactly agree. Cleveland, in book and letter, says the vessel endured a steady cannonade for three quarters of an hour without firing a shot, and only fired after receiving her damages, silencing the battery with two broadsides. Rodriguez says that suspicious of contraband trade he made a round in the evening, surprised the Americans of one boat trading with Carlos Rosa at La Barraca, arrested the three, and went on to the battery where he seized some goods left in payment for 40 otter-skins. Next morning when Cleveland came ashore to see what had become of the men, one of the guard, Antonio Guillen-he was the husband of the famous old lady of San Gabriel, Eulalia Perez, who died in 1878 at a fabulous old age-came also, escaped, and hastened to warn the corporal in command of the battery that the Americans were going to sail without land- ing the guard. The corporal made ready his guns, and when the Lelia started raised his flag, fired a blank cartridge, and then a shot across her bows, as Cleveland says. Then another shot was fired which struck the hull but did no damage. This may have been the effective shot. Thereupon Sergt. Arce shouted not to fire as they would be put ashore, and the firing ceased. But when the vessel came opposite the fort on her way out she reopened the firc. The battery followed suit and did some damage, but stopped firing as soon as the vessel did, no harm being done to the fort or its defenders. It is of course impossible to reconcile these discrepancies. Rodriguez, an able and honorable man, engaged in the performance of his duty, and making a clear, straightforward report, is prima facie entitled to credence as against a disap- pointed and baffled smuggler.

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History of California, Volume II, Part 2

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 826

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 826