USA > California > History of California, Volume II > Part 4
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Returning again to the events of 1804 I find that the Hazard arrived at San Francisco January 30th from the Hawaiian Islands, disabled and in great dis- tress, having experienced heavy gales and lost two officers and three men, besides her boats and a mast.
every obstacle out of the way of an invading enemy; they have stocked the country with such multitudes of cattle, horses, and other useful animals, that they have no longer the power to remove or destroy them; they have taught the Indians many of the useful arts, and accustomed them to agriculture and civilization; and they have spread a number of defenceless inhabitants over the country, whom they never could induce to act as enemies to those who should treat them well, by securing to them the enjoyments of liberty, property, and a free trade, which would almost instantaneously quadruple the value of their actual possessions; in a word they have done everything that could be done to render California an object worthy the attention of the great maritime powers; they have placed it in a situation to want nothing but a good government to rise rapidly to wealth and importance. .. It would be as easy to keep California in spite of the Spaniards, as it would be to wrest it from them in the first instance.' Journal, 160-1. Shaler was, according to Cleveland, the author of Sketches in Algiers, and for many years consul-general of the U. S. to the Barbary powers.
8 Cleveland's Nar., i. 246-7; ii. 2; Shaler's Jour., 171. There is no refer- ence in the archives to Hudson's voyage.
25
RUSSIAN CONTRACTS.
Again her wants were proved real by an inspection and generously supplied. About the end of February Rowan sailed apparently for the Northwest Coast, just after the arrival of an order from the governor to detain him.9 In September, however, the Hazard reappeared on the southern coast, at San Buenaven- tura and San Juan Capistrano, asking for provisions, which, if we may credit the official reports, were re- fused.10
Another visit of an American vessel in 1803-4 was that of the O'Cain, Captain Joseph O'Cain,11 inaugurat- ing a new system of commercial adventure on the coast. O'Cain had been mate on the Enterprise, touching at San Diego in 1801, and was also supposed by Arrillaga to have sailed in the San Blas transports.12 The vessel was owned in part by Abiel and Jonathan Winship, the latter being on board, and she sailed from Boston Jan- uary 23, 1803,13 arriving at Sitka probably in Septem- ber. Here he succeeded in persuading Baránof, chief manager of the Russian American colonies, to furnish a company of Aleuts with their bidarkas under the direction of Shvetzof, and to send him southward to take otters on shares. Sailing from Kadiak in Octo- ber 1803, he is said to have done some trading and hunting on the coast of Alta California, but there is no definite record of his movements except that he touched at San Diego in January 1804. Here he was
9 Correspondence between Rowan, Argiiello, and Sergeant Peralta, in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 373, 376-9; Id., Ben. Mil., xxxiv. 4; St. Pap., Sac., MS., v. 70.
10 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 330, 361; Prov. Rec., MS., xi. 103. The Princesa and Activo brought the memorias again this year, arriving at Mon- terey in August, and leaving S. Diego in Nov. Id., xi. 192; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 332, 372.
11 The name is written O'Kain by Cleveland. Narrative, i. 221. O'Kenn and O'Keene are among other variations. The vessel is called by the Rus- sians the 'Eclipse' and the 'Boston.'
12 Baránof, Shizneopissanie, 75-6. Arrillaga to viceroy. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 47-50.
13 Boston in the N. W., MS., 11. The writer of this manuscript had in his possession many of the log-books of the voyages to the Northwest Coast, but could find no diary of. this. He mentions, however, a letter of Abiel Winship containing advice and instructions to his brother about to embark for the first time on a long and perilous voyage.
26
ARRILLAGA'S RULE.
refused provisions, having no passport. A negro named John Brown deserted, to be subsequently sent to San Blas, and then O'Cain sailed southward.1+ His chief adventures were at San Quintin in Lower Cali- fornia, as related elsewhere,15 where he remained sev- eral months, and then returned to Kadiak in June with 1,100 otter-skins to be shared with the Rus- sians, to say nothing of several hundreds of skins which he is charged with having sold to the friars at low rates for ready money, thus defrauding his part- ners in the north.16 Meanwhile complaints respecting the irregular proceedings of the Yankee traders and their abuse of hospitality were sent to Mexico, and orders more pronounced came from the viceroy for the commandants, against some of whom there was appar- ently a suspicion of complicity with the smugglers. Together with these orders came a demand for the withdrawal of the artillery detachment, which was sent to the governor for his opinion, and received from Arrillaga a rather weak protest, which never- theless was efficacious for a time.17
In his first general report for 1803-4, President Tapis complained that the missions were exposed to attack on all sides, the small guards being wholly inadequate to cope with either gentiles or neophytes in case of revolt. The guard is usually reduced to two or three men, one of whom is generally sick, one in charge of the horses, and one absent on royal service. Who then is to defend the mission or escort the missionary? Fugitives are increasing and the
1+ Prov. Rec., MIS., xii. 27-30; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 364, 36S.
15 Sec Hist. North Mex. States, ii., this series.
16 Khlébnikof, Zapizki, S; Tikhménef, Istor. Obosranie, app. 272-5.
17 Pror. Rec., MS., ix. 35; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 406; Arch. Arzob., ii. 39. The demand for a withdrawal of the artillery came from Col. Pedro Laguna. Arrillaga admitted that the batteries were in a bad condition, owing to the storms of winter; that the artillerymen, now that the volunteers had gone, were in great isolation, unable to leave the batteries except for rations and then on foot unless they could borrow a horse; and that the province was indeed in a bad condition, with nothing left but flight for the inhabitants in case of invasion or Indian revolt. Still he thought the men not altogether useless since the guns had to be taken care of. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 38-40.
27
REPORT ON MISSIONS.
only remedy is an immediate increase of military force. This subject was presented to the viceroy in a report of Guardian Pangua in September 1804, in which the writer presented in a strong light the threatened dangers, not only to missions and friars, but to commerce and every interest of Spain, sure to result from an attempt to protect so large a territory with so small a force.18
Arrillaga also made in 1804 a full and interesting report on the missions and their management. Part of the document is missing, and the exact circum- stances under which it was written are not known; but it would seem to be in answer to charges of cruelty and mismanagement against the friars, similar to those made formerly by Father Concepcion; indeed, it is not unlikely that it was a reply to those very charges. The paper is a straightforward and business-like one, written by a man of good judgment and long experi- ence. The substance of it is that the mission system, if not perfect, was a good one; the friars were in the main sensible and honest men, and the natives were as a rule well treated. Slight defects and excesses were sufficiently guarded against by Franciscan and ecclesiastical regulations, while secular interference on account of a few isolated complaints against indi- viduals was not advisable.19 It was in this year that Tapis received from the bishop of Sonora the appoint- ment of vicar.
The number of missions was increased in 1804 to
18 Tapis, Informe Bienal de Misiones, 1804, MS., 75-8. Sept. 22, 1804, Pangua, Carta al Virey sobre peligros que amenazan la California, MS. The writer recapitulates past discussions and orders which have never been carried out. Feb. 3, 1803, the viceroy in view of complaints of insufficient cscoltas has resolved to give each mission all the force it 'absolutely needs' from the troops lately sent(?). Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 285. This would be more intelligible if the date were 1805, as very likely it should be. 1804, orders to vary the different guards according to circumstances, but never to reduce the mission escolta below six men. Prov. Rec., MS., xii. 25-7. March 1, 1805, Tapis to Gov. on necessity of increased force to retake fugitives. Arch. Sta B., MS., vi. 30-5.
19 Arrillaga, Informe que dirigió al Virey sobre el estado de Indios, Misiones, y Misioneros de Alta California en lo espiritual y temporal, 1804, MS. Dated Loreto Nov. 10, 1804. The beginning is missing.
28
ARRILLAGA'S RULE.
nineteen by the founding of Santa Inés. Explorations for a site in this region had been begun in 1795 and completed in 1798 by Ortega, Tapís, and Goycoechea.2) The site selected was one called by the natives Ala- julapu,21 and the order that a mission should be founded there was dated in February 1803.22 The
name Santa Inés-virgin and martyr, Saint Agnes in English, often incorrectly written Santa Ynez or Inez, martyred in Rome in the fourth century at the age of thirteen-seems also to have been selected by Viceroy Iturrigaray. A sergeant and nine men hav- ing been assigned as a guard23 and duly instructed by the commandant of Santa Barbara, on September 17, 1804, the mission was founded with the usual cere- monies. Commandant Carrillo was present, and large numbers of neophytes came from Santa Bárbara and Purísima, some of them to remain. President Tapis preached on the occasion, and was aided in the cere- monies by fathers Ciprés, Calzada, and Gutierrez; and finally a beginning of mission work was made by the baptism of twenty-seven children and the en-
. 20 Ortega, Diario que forma, 1795, MS. Dated June 17th-28th. Ortega went northward from Sta Bárbara with three men, and on June 18th found a fer- tile well watered spot on the Santa Rosa River, where there were eight rancherías of friendly Indians. Tapis, Expedicion á Calahuasa, para Recono- cimiento de sitios, 1798, MS. The expedition began Oct. 17th, and the report is dated Oct. 23d, at Sta Bárbara. Besides Calahnasa, there are named Por- teznelo de Mescaltitlan, Ranchería de Teguepo, Zanja de Cota, Cañada de Sotonocnni, Anajue, Ahuaslayee, Elemana, Sanchu or Santa Rosa, Aguitsumú, Asnisihue, Stucu, Huilicqui, Casil or Nueva, Susuchi or Quemada. The site deemed best was Alajulapu about two and a half leagues north-west of Cala- huasa. Also called Majalapu. Goycoechea, Diario de Exploracion, 1798, MS. Dated Oct. 21st, and the same in substance as that of Tapis. Cota, Diario de Exploracion, 1798, MS., is the record of a subsequent examination of the same territory made Oct. 23d-7th. Dec. 31, 1798, Gov. to viceroy, recommending the site at Lajalupe with 1,500 friendly Indians. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 113- 14. Oct. 11, 1798, Gov. to Goycoechea ordering the explorations to be made. Id., iv. 107.
21 Also written Lajalape, Majulapa, Majalapu, Alajulapa, and Lajulap. The meaning of the word was rincon, or corner.
22 Feb. 2, 1803, viceroy to Gov., he has ordered the payment of the cus- tomary $1,000. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 285. June 30, 1803, Tapis to Gov., says there are 1,000 or 1, 100 natives near the proposed site, gives instances of hostilities among the rancherías, and asks that a larger escolta than usual be granted at first. Arch. Sta B., MS., viii. 177-82.
23 Carrillo, Instruccion que observará el comandante de Escolta en la funda- cion de la Mision de Santu Ynex, 1804, MS.
29
FOUNDING OF SANTA INÉS.
rolling of many catechumens, including three chief- tains. 24
The missionary founders of Santa Inés were José Antonio Calzada and José Romualdo Gutierrez. The latter left California in 180625 and was succeeded by Luis Gil y Taboada. Gil was replaced in 1810 by Francisco Javier de Uría, who had been at the mis- sion as supernumerary since 1808. By the end of the first year Santa Inés had 225 neophytes, but over half of them came from the adjoining missions already baptized. In 1810 the number was 628, bap- tisms having been 546 and deaths 245, so that it would seem that still other accessions must have been received from abroad. Live-stock in 1810 numbered 3,200 cattle, 420 horses, 61 mules, 11 asses, and 2,300 sheep. Crops varied from 900 bushels in 1807 to 4,500 bushels in 1810. In 1805, and probably through- out the decade, Santa Inés had but a poor church, though it was already roofed with tiles.26
Local annals in 1804 present nothing worthy of special mention here, unless it may be the fact that an earthquake did some damage to church walls at San José and San Gabriel.
Representations on the defenceless condition of California, coming from various quarters as already indicated, produced a comparatively prompt effect in Mexico; for in April 1805 the viceroy decreed an
24 Sta Ines, Lib. de Mision, MS., 3, 4, containing certificate of foundation by Tapis. Arch. Sta B., MS., viii. 151-5; certificate of Lieutenant Carrillo in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 359-60. Also mention of foundation in Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 21; ix. 57; xi. 103; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 45-6.
25 Gutierrez came to California, as I have seen it stated in some record, in August 1804, though Tapis in announcing his departure implies that he came in 1802. He served at Santa Inés from September 17, 1804, to July 1806, when he was transferred to San Buenaventura in the hope of regaining his health; but he became worse rather than better, obtained license to retire in September, and sailed for San Blas in November. His malady according to the surgeon's certificate was an afecto hystérico, and there is a not very well founded tradition that the padre spent much time hunting for a viper of a peculiar kind recommended by the natives as a remedy. Arch. Arzob., MS., ii. 51-2; Arch. Sta B., MS., xi. 76-7; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 104; Prov. Rec., MS., xi. 113; Sta Ines. Lib de Mision, MS.
26 Prov. St. Pap., Ben Mil., MS., xxxvii. 40.
30
ARRILLAGA'S RULE.
increase of force to the extent of three captains, nine- teen non-commissioned officers, and sixty-five privates to be added to the presidial companies at an annual cost to the treasury of $23,915. No new troops were to be sent from abroad, but the increase was to be effected by promotion and enlistment within the province. It was accomplished without difficulty before the end of the year, and during the next year Argüello, Carrillo, and Goycoechea were commissioned as captains, though the last named was absent from the province.27
Also in 1805 another defensive measure was adopted, and' Alférez José Roca was sent back to California to organize a militia artillery company of seventy men in accordance with Arrillaga's proposition of the pre- ceding year.28 Roca arrived at Monterey in Septem- ber. Arrillaga, then on his way to the capital, sent orders for cooperation, and the selection and enrol- ment of men, chiefly in the pueblos, began imme- diately. The organization was probably completed before the middle of the next year, at which time in- structions were issued for militia management, though we have but few details respecting this company dur- ing the decade.29 The artillerymen were mounted and
27 April 1, 1805, viceroy's decree for an increase of force to take the place of the Catalan volunteers, on the basis proposed by Arrillaga March 21, 1803. Decree sent to California, with orders to governor for appointments and recruiting, on April 3d. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 47-9. Cost of the increase. Id., Ben. Mil., Ixxxvii. 58. The increase approved by the king on March 22, 1807. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 201-2.
28 Jan. 19, 1805, instructions to Roca from the commandant of artillery at Vera Cruz. Roca was to act in harmony with the governor, and raise eight corporals and 62 privates. The corporals must be able to read and write, besides knowing well the residence of each private so as to assemble the com- pany quickly in case of danger. The men must reside as near as possible to head towns; arrangements must be made for two hours' instruction every Sunday, and after completing the organization Roca was to return to Mexico. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., Ixxxvii. 59-60. Nov. 21, 1804, governor to V. R. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 56.
29 Sept. 25, 1805, Arrillaga at San Vicente to Roca. Is informed of his arrival. Prov. Rec., MS., xi. 200-1. Same date, Arrillaga to commandants. Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxxvii. 61. Nov. 21st, Guerra to com- isionado of San Jose, asks for lists of men fit for duty. S. José, Arch., MS., ii. 78. Number of suitable men in Montercy jurisdiction 30. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxxiv. 26. Feb. 17, 1806, Gov. to S. José comisionado. Aid to be given to Roca. S. José, Arch., MS., iii. 90. April 1, 1806, Roca
31
PROTECTION OF THE PROVINCE.
Alférez Roca seems to have remained in command instead of returning to Mexico as ordered at first.
While no American traders or other foreign craft, with the exception of the Lelia Byrd, as already noted, appeared on the coast this year,30 a lively fear of Yankee schemes was experienced in Mexico, and various precautions were discussed besides the mili- tary reinforcements just recorded. Early in the year there came and was circulated in California a royal order closing all the ports in Spanish dominions to all but national mail vessels until further orders, with reprisals in the mean time against the English. 31 An
Italian priest who landed at Monterey from Manila was sent as soon as possible to Mexico en route for Italy in accordance with general orders against all foreigners.32 Arrillaga had asked for an armed vessel to protect the coast and pursue smugglers, and the matter was discussed at San Blas in September, by the board of war. There was no difference of opinion as to the importance of sending a vessel; but some officers
will send an artilleryman to instruct the militia of Angeles every Sunday. The gun from San Gabriel to be sent thither, or perhaps the men going to the mission to say mass may better take their drill there. Prov. St. Pap., MIS., xix. 170. July 12, 1806, Arrillaga's instructions to the militia of San José. Men must not be hindered from attending to private business, but must on leaving town acquaint the corporal with their whereabouts; not exempt from obedience to parents or judges, or from community work, except when in actual service or drill. Id., xix. 106-S; S. José, Arch., MS., iii. S. Distribu- tion in 1809; commandant Roca at Soledad; 23 men at San José; 29 at Angeles; 3 at San Diego; 2 at Branciforte; 2 at Monterey; 6 at Sta Bárbara; 1 at Buenavista Rancho; 2 at El Refugio; I at S. Rafael Rancho; and one at Sta Gertrudis. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xl. 17-20. Ang. 25, 1809, full list of about 75 names. Id., Ben. Mil., xl. 17-19. Similar list of IS16. Id., xlviii. 11, 12. 1810. company in great need of arms. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 120.
30 The Spanish transports of the year were again the Princesa and Activo which brought five padres to Monterey Aug. 30th, and anchored at S. Blas on return, Nov. 2Ist. Prov. Rec., MS., xii. 34; xi. 200; ix. 69. According to the Gaceta de Mex., xii. 475, these vessels brought down quite a large amount of furs, hides, wool, fish, flour, and vinegar. The Concepcion from the Philippines sailed from Monterey Jan. 3d, leaving Surgeon Manuel Torres and an Italian priest, Francisco Farnesio, ill. Prov. Rec., MS., xi. 195.
31 Jan. 12, 1805, viceroy to Gov. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 45. April S, 1805, reply. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 65-6. The cause of this order was the seizure of four Spanish vessels from South America by an English fleet in time of peace. The order had no practical effect in California, as no English vessel appeared; yet the movements of the transports do not seem to have been interrupted.
32 Arch. Arzob., MS., ii. 47.
32
ARRILLAGA'S RULE.
thought she should cruise continually up and down the coast, while others favored a station at Monterey whence she might take advantage of the favorable wind to swoop down on the smugglers further south at short notice. The decision was in favor of the latter plan, and the Princesa was recommended for the service, being strong, fast, and copper-bottomed. The proposal found favor in viceregal eyes and a corresponding decree was issued in the following March.33
There were misgivings in Spain and Mexico and California about the designs of the Anglo-Americans. The viceroy notified the governor of those ambitious designs as shown in the pretensions of Minister Mon- roe at the court of Madrid; and Arrillaga in reply sent a rumor obtained from O'Cain that the United States would have free trade with New Spain even by force, and that a Philadelphian was asking congress for 40,000 men with whom to take the country, relying also on the growing popular discontent. Similar rumors had come from other sources as early as
1799.34 Captain Goycoechea, lately appointed gov- ernor of Baja California, complains in December of this year that "the Anglo-Americans within the past few years have not only begun to frequent the waters surrounding our possessions in quest of fish, pearls, and furs, but, confident that there is nobody to restrain them, they come with arrogant boldness to anchor in our very harbors, and to act with the same liberty as if they were Spaniards. These arrivals, which are becoming very frequent and about which your excel- lency must be well informed, should convince you that quite possibly this proud nation, constantly increasing its strength, may one day venture to measure it with Spain, and acquiring such knowledge of our seas and coasts may make California the object of its attack,
33 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 87-99.
34 Sept. 22, 1805, viceroy to Gov. Prov. St.Pap., MS., xix. 73; Jan. 2, 1806, reply. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 70-1.
33
GOYCOECHEA'S VIEWS.
knowing by the visits referred to what the province contains." 35
In the report from which I have just quoted Goy- coechea furnished much information about California's resources, prospects, and needs, though his views did not differ materially from those expressed by others in former years. He declared that there were mines which might be profitably worked, in both Californias; that teachers were needed, since children were grow- ing up in pitiful ignorance, and he favored the sending of idle families, and especially of children from the Mexican cities. The scheme which he urged most zealously, however, for the advancement of both pro- vincial and royal interests, was the transfer of the San Blas department with its dock-yards and other ad- juncts to a more healthful and convenient site in the north. His preference was in favor of San Quintin just below San Diego; though had his opinion been called for before he became governor of Lower Cali- fornia, I doubt not he would have preferred San Fran- cisco or some other northern port. The proposition was referred, as the custom was, to various tribunals and officials for additional investigations.
Tapis desired to found a new mission on Limú or Santa Catalina Island, with a view to convert the naked and superstitious, though friendly, natives, who were not disposed to join a mission on the mainland, yet caused the friars trouble by their intercourse with the Channel neophytes. In his general report for 1804 Tapis broached the subject, ingeniously suggest- ing that an island establishment would be a most effective means of checking contraband trade. Arri- llaga approved the plan in 1805, especially as a pre- ventive of smuggling; but a little later in his next
35 Goycoechea, Medios para el Fomento de las California, 1805, MS., with report of the fiscal. Dated Dec. 7th. Tuthill's remark 'These Anglo-Amer- icans will become troublesome,' said a long-headed governor of California in 1805, Hist. Cal., 124, may be a reference to Goycoechea's remarks, which I have translated as literally as a Biscayan's Spanish can be translated; or it may be a passage from Arrillaga which has escaped my notice.
HIST. CAL., VOL. II. 3
34
ARRILLAGA'S RULE.
biennial report the president confessed that as the sarampion, or measles, had carried off over two hun- dred natives on the two islands, and as a recent investigation had shown a lack of good lands and of water, the expediency of founding a mission was doubtful. 36
Indian hostilities for many years had been rare and petty in their nature. This year an affair occurred of comparative importance. Padre Cueva of San José Mission having occasion to visit some sick neophytes in a ranchería ten or fifteen miles distant in the cast- ern hills, was escorted by Majordomo Ignacio Higuera and two soldiers, besides being accompanied by a few neophyte attendants. This was on the 15th of Jan- uary. Arriving at the rancheria to which his visit was directed, the natives-possibly those of another ranchería on his way back, for the record is not clear in its details-instead of receiving him kindly, dis- charged a cloud of arrows. Higuera was killed, Cueva was struck in the face, one of the soldiers was badly wounded, and three neophytes were killed as were all the horses. The pursuit was checked apparently by the fall of a gentile, and the survivors were enabled to reach the mission.37 As soon as news of the dis-
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