History of California, Volume II, Part 33

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 826

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THE annals of inland survey for the decade open with an exploration of the lower San Joaquin by water. This visit to a region so near the settlements and already more or less well known to the Spaniards might be deemed hardly worth notice as an explora- tion; yet by reason of its local importance, its minute- ness, and its application of early and original names, I have thought the diary worthy of reproduction in substance in a note.1 Padre Abella was accompanied

1 Abella, Diario de un registro de los rios grandes, 1811, MS. The same ex- pedition is briefly noticed by Mofras, Exploration, i. 450, who adds: 'Le jour- nal manuscrit de cette exploration interressante est entre nos mains.' Oct. 15th from the presidio anchorage to Angel Island in A. M. and in P. M. as soon as the tide was favorable, to Pt Huchunes (name of the Indians there). Between Angel Island and points Huchones and Abastos is formed a bay twice as large as that at the port, with S islands, mostly small, one of which has to be passed on the way to Huchones. This island has a bar visible only at low water, and must be passed on the west at a little distance. Oct. 16th gave to Pt Huchones the name Pt San Pablo and to the opposite point (probably the one before called Abastos) that of San Pedro (both names still retained). These points, with two little islands between, close the first bay and begin another.

HIST. CAL., VOL. II. 21

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322

EXPLORATIONS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS.

by Padre Fortuni of Mission San José; Sergeant Sanchez seems to have commanded the expedition. The force is said to have been composed of sixty-eight persons, sailing in several boats. After giving to points San Pablo and San Pedro in the bay the names which they still bear, the party went up the western and down the eastern channels of the San Joaquin, which name, however, they did not use, though it had been applied earlier to the same river, choosing to re-name it, or particularly the eastern or main branch, Rio de San Juan Capistrano. Crossing over into the Sacramento through the Two Mile Slough, they descended that river to its mouth-its first definitely recorded navigation-calling it Rio de San Francisco, a name they understood to have been previously applied. Thence after a visit to the country of the Suisunes, they returned home after an absence of fifteen days. Friendly intercourse was held with the Indians, who were very numerous on the Sacramento, and a few of the aged and sick were baptized. The Suisunes showed more timidity than hostility. The

much larger one (San Pablo Bay). There are 5 gentile rancherías on the north and west. On the west enters an estero, said by the Indians to be large (Pet- aluma Creek), but Moraga has been round it twice-A league and a half to another point named San Andrés (Pt Pinole). The intermediate country is all 'mainland of San Jose,' belonging to the Huchones, mostly bare but with a few oaks and a fine stream (where San Pablo now stands)-To the Strait of the Karquines ending the bay and formed between the 'tierra firme de San Josef' and at first an island (Mare Island) but farther on mainland also on the north-Through the strait to its end in the country of the Chupunes, where there are mud flats and a dangerous concealed rock. Place called La Division. Oct. 17th, into a large bay (Suisun Bay) where the water gradually became fresh-About 18 leagues eastward (clearly erroneous as are nearly all the dis- tances of the diary) along the southern shore, past islands, tules, and swamps, into a right-hand channel, to camp on an island (Brown or Kimball Island) which was a fishing station of the Ompines. Oct. 18th, back half a league to take the left-hand channel, though there was no need as the branches came together again-Eastward past another island, (Kimball's or West's) past a widening whence a passage (Three Mile Slough at head of Sherman Island, explored on the return) led through into the northern River of San Francisco (Sacramento)-Half a league farther on turned into the right-hand and smaller branch (The West Channel of the San Joaquin), and sailed southward in a winding course with nothing in sight but water and tule and sky, sleeping on the boats for want of a landing. Oct. 19th-22d, still up stream through the tules southward and eastward to the Pescadero rancheria on an island (the name had been given before and is still sometimes applied on modern maps to the southern end of Union Island) belonging to the Cholbones-Thence

323

TROUBLES IN THE SOUTH.

shores of the Sacramento offered a favorable site for a new establishment, though somewhat difficult of access.

In the south at San Gabriel the Indians were still uneasy and troublesome. Neophytes and gentiles operated to some extent in concert, stealing cattle and even breaking open the mission store-house. Some Indians implicated in past hostilities were still pris- oners at the presidios, a fact which caused much bitterness of feeling among the rest; and rumors of impending attack from the Colorado River tribes were current to increase the general alarm. The missionaries were often called upon for additional force, which was sent on several occasions, so that the danger was averted without fighting. On one occa- sion, however, in November, if we may credit the padres' reports, a body of Yumas, also called Amaja- vas, with other savages actually approached to the number of eight hundred, with the intention of destroying San Gabriel and San Fernando. The arrival of reinforcements prevented the attack. Act- ual hostilities seem to have been limited on the one

eastward (noting the middle channel and southern slough of modern maps) into the main river, which they named the San Juan Capistrano (San Joaquin). At or near the junction they set up a cross, and supposed themselves on the parallel of San José, (though really opposite San Francisco). At the junction of the southern slough farther up (just above the present railroad bridge. It is not clear that this party went up there) was the rancheria of the Cosmis- tas-Thence down the main stream (East Channel) to the rancheria of the Coyboses. Oct. 23d-7th, down the river to the branch followed up from the 18th (mouth of West Channel)-through the passage before noticed (at head of Sherman Island) northward into the San Francisco (Sacramento), naming the numerous Indians apparently Tarquimenes-and down the river to the junction, saying mass at the Loma de los Tompines, opposite the Cerro Alto de los Bolbones (which was perhaps Mt Diablo). The country on the San Francisco (Sacramento) is described as well fitted for settlement, but accessi- ble only by water, by crossing either at the presidio or at the Strait of Kar- quines-Thence northwardly through an estero (Montezuma Creek and Nurse Slough) to a spot one league from the plain of the Suisunes. Oct. 28th-30th, one league to the head of Suisun Creek, and the edge of the large fine plain dotted with oaks. The Cerro de los Bolbones was about 12 leagues s. w. (S. E .? ) Two rancherías were Suisum and Malaka, and another at a little distance was Ulululo. Two leagues distant was where Moraga's famous battle took place. On the 29th the voyagers returned to Angel Island; and spent all the next day in getting across to the presidio against unfavorable wind and tide.

324

EXPLORATIONS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS.

side to cattle-stealing and on the other to the pursuit and capture of a few cimarrones, or runaways.'

Gabriel Moraga's three trips to Bodega and Ross in 1812-14 may be here alluded to; though the route had been several times gone over before, and this offi- cer's reports, so far as extant, are confined to the con- dition of affairs at the Russian settlement.3 There were no Indian troubles during these years except such as were connected with the occasional pursuit of runaway neophytes or the most petty affairs of local discipline; though the brutal murder of Father Quin- tana at Santa Cruz in 1812, elsewhere narrated, may be appropriately mentioned in connection with the subject of Indian affairs. There are two of the expe- ditions after fugitives somewhat indefinitely recorded, though not of special importance. The first was under Sergeant Soto who, with a hundred Indians from San José Mission, met twelve soldiers who came from San Francisco in a boat and proceeded up a river not named but apparently the San Joaquin. On the morning of October 27th the Indians were attacked on a marshy island, where they had posted themselves for a fight, the women and children having been re- moved. Four rancherías had united their forces, and a thousand men, unless the Spaniards counted some of them more than once, fell upon the soldiers and their allies at landing. Soto was at one time doubtful of the result, so reliant were the foes on their numbers, so careless of life, and so unmindful of the inefficiency of their arrows. But after three hours they fled over the marsh and escaped by swimming, having left many dead but no captives, and killing only one of the neophyte warriors. The force returned on the 28th.4

2 Jan. 21st, commandant of San Diego to governor. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 307. July 4th, padres of San Gabriel to President Tapis. Arch. Arzob., MS., ii. 85-7. May 25, 1812, report of Tapis. Arch. Sta B., MS., x. 299- 301. Poco, Hist. Cal., MS., 4-5; Taylor in Cal. Farmer, March 21, 1862. 3 See chap. xiv. of this volume.

4 Soto, Expedicion Militar del Sargento, 1813, MS. The narrative is em- bodied in a report by Arguello. In S. José, Lib. Mision, 25, the troops are said, on Oct. 25th, to have gone against the Unsumnes, and the Alcalde Julio

325

PADRE CABOT IN THE TULARES.

The second expedition was made in October 1814 with aims less bloody, and apparently with a view to search for new mission sites. A sergeant with thirty men accompanied by Padre Juan Cabot, left San Mi- guel October 2d, reached the edge of the Tulares that night, and next day reached the shore of the great lake at the ranchería of Bubal. There were seven hundred souls here, a harvest ripe for the missionary reaper as Padre Cabot believed, since twenty-six of the old and sick submitted to baptism on this occasion. Next the Spaniards went on, nearly a day's march across the tular, to the rancheria of Sumtache of about the same population as the preceding. The aim was to reconcile the two rancherias, but the Indians of Sumtache had heard false reports that the Span- iards were coming to kill them, and a skirmish en- sued. Two horses were killed on one side, and an old woman on the other; whereupon peace was made. Next the party came to the fine river of San Gabriel, which was forded at a favorable site for a mission and presidio, said by those who had visited this region before to be three leagues from Telame, the largest ranchería of all the valley.5 Thence the route led to the abandoned Guchame, and to the rancheria of Tache, said to contain a thousand souls, nearly all of whom had hidden in the tules. This was near the banks of Kings River, and the great disadvantage of the country was the lack of timber. Still the mis- sionary favored a mission there, without a doubt that God would point out a way to success. The return was by a more northern route not described as far as the edge of the great valley.6

was killed. In the S. Joaquin Co. Hist., 10, and Tinkham's Hist. Stockton, 14, Marago (Moraga) is erroneously said to have explored the great valley and named the San Joaquin in 1813.

5 See chap. iii. of this vol. for preceding explorations. Details are not clear, but the region was that of Visalia.

6 Cabot, Expedicion al Valle de los Tulares 1814, MS. It is dated at San Miguel April 11, 1815, and is in the form of a letter to the president. The latter on April 4th had called for information on the subject, and besides the narra- tive cited, P. Juan Martin wrote on April 26th, strongly favoring the estab- lishment of a mission for the benefit of the tulareños, describing a visit he

326

EXPLORATIONS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS.

The year 1815 was marked by what is somewhat vaguely alluded to as a grand expedition in pursuit of runaways. It is only from allusions in the archives that this affair is known, for no diary is extant. A simultaneous movement seems to have been made by order of Sola in October from several points north and south over into the valley of the Tulares, by which quite a large number of fugitives from various missions were brought back to their Christian duties. Sola regarded it as on the whole a success, since to it he attributed the subsequent favorable aspect of af- fairs in the central missions;7 but perhaps he exagger- ated its importance because it was his first effort in this direction, since Padre Tapis tells us the gran ex- pedicion did not accomplish all that was expected of it, though fortunately no casualties occurred.8

In 1812 the Spanish government had directed to the missionaries, through the bishop of Sonora, a series of thirty-six questions upon the manners and customs of the aboriginal inhabitants of the country.9

himself had made to Bubal in 1804, and urging that if a mission were not soon founded, Satan, war, and venereal disease would leave nobody to con- vert. Martin, Visita á los Gentiles Tulareños, 1804, MS.

7 Dec. 15, 1816, Sola to Padre Marquinez. Arch. Arzob., MS., iii. pt. i. 99. There are frequent references in the missionary correspondence of 1815-16 to minor local expeditions after runaway neophytes. Such expeditions were usually unsuccessful, for which result the padres generally blamed the sold- iers, and vice versa. Id., iii. pt. i. passim.

8 Dec. 2, 1815, Tapis from San Juan Bautista to Guerra. The expedition had returned the day before. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., v. 9-10. Diego Oli- vera was one of the party from Santa Barbara, under Juan Ortega as he says, which met another from Monterey over in the Tulares. Many Indians cap- tured. S. F. Bulletin, May 28, 1864; Taylor's Discov. and Founders, ii. No. 26. Sept. 14th to Nov. 9th, several letters of Sola on this expedition. The northern party consisted of 50 men, was commanded by Gabriel Moraga; was directed chiefly against the rancheria of the Pitemas, started from San Francisco for Santa Cruz about Sept. 25th, and had returned-perhaps temporarily-by Oct. 7th. Eighteen of the captured Indians escaped through a window at San Fran- cisco. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xlvi. 32-4. In the south Sergt. Pico brought in 11 Indians charged with killing Christians and wounding vaque- ros. Sola to Ruiz, Oct. 5, 1815. Id., xlvi. 5-6. Boronda, Notas, MS., 2, men- tions the river Reyes and Tache Lake in connection with what seems to be this expedition, which he accompanied as a soldier. Oct. 23d, Señan to Guerra about a 'famous' expedition; but as there are cayucos and sailors mentioned the campaign may be one against otter-hunters and not Indians. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., v. 58-9.

9 Indios, Interrogatorio del Supremo Gobierno sobre costumbres, 1812, MS.,

327

MANNERS AND CUSTOMS.

The final report in response to this interrogatory was rendered for California in 1815. It contained local reports from all the missions classified according to topics by the author, who was doubtless President Senan or Prefect Sarria.10 This is a very important document, containing as it does the testimony of able men who were the first to come in direct and con- tinued contact with a race now nearly extinct. But the subject does not fall within the limits of this work, having been already treated in the Native Races. It may be stated that the conclusions in this report do not differ materially from those given in the work alluded to, though they add some interesting information on several subjects.

The great valley of the Tulares now attracted more attention on the part of the friars than any other por- tion of the province as a prospective field for mission- ary operations; yet there was difference of opinion on the practicability of a new establishment in the inte- rior. Padre Luis Martinez visited these rancherías early in 1816 and found the people willing to be Christians if the gospel could be brought to them.11 There were, however, troubles of no interest in detail between the natives and some of the soldiers or vaqueros. In a subsequent correspondence Father Cabot declared that the soldiers from San Luis were wholly to blame, the gentiles being blameless and

dated Cádiz, Oct. 6th. The questions were probably addressed to other regions besides California.

10 Indios, Contestacion al Interrogatorio de 1812, sobre costumbres de Califor- nia, 1815, MS., 104 p. Dated at San Buenaventura, Aug. 11, 1815. The San Diego report is omitted, but is found in Arch. Sta B., MS., iii. 27-37. The topics are as follows: Race, origin, language, conjugal and parental love, feeling toward foreigners, inclination for reading and writing, dominant virtues, superstitions, idolatry, inedicine, calendar, food, drink, worship of sun and moon, burial, character, trade and money, government, music, future state, and dress.

11 Martinez, Entrada a las Rancherías del Tular, 1816, MS. The party started from San Luis Obispo and visited the following rancherias: Lucluc, 28 leagues; Tuohuala, 9 1 .; Gelecto, 18 1 .; Lihuanhilame, 19 1 .; Quihuame, 7 1. on the bank of a great river not crossed, which flows into the lakes of Bue- navista, Tuohuala, and Gelecto. Telame, or Telammi, is also mentioned but was not visited. Tuohuala was called also Hubal (Bubal?).

328

EXPLORATIONS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS.

friendly; Father Muñoz defended the party from his mission, expressing a lack of confidence in the Tula- reños; while Sarria at San Carlos was not surprised at the troubles, which confirmed him in his previous opinion that no good results were to be expected from an expedition in which the friars were attended by soldiers. Expeditions to preach the gospel and those of exploration were two very distinct affairs, the lat- ter sometimes requiring military aid, the former, never.12 In his report for 1815-16, President Payeras strongly recommended the occupation of the valley by the early establishment of a presidio and one or more missions in the Telame region, where there were some four thousand gentiles accessible. 13 Such additional information as the records afford respecting Indian affairs during these two years takes the form of in- definite or disconnected items which may best be dis- posed of in a note.14

12 June 1, Cabot to prefect and Sarria to governor in Arch. Arzob., MS., iii. pt. i. 46-9, 51-3, 119-20.

13 Payeras, Informe Bienal, MS., 1815-16, p. 114-17.

14 May 14, 1816, Sola to Guerra. Indians coming from the Colorado to trade cloths and colors must be warned not to return on pain of punishment. Prov. Rec., MS., xi. 34. June, 1816, Moraga made a fruitless expedition against apostate Christians at Malmi rancheria near Santa Cruz. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xx. 103. Aug .- Sept., 1816, some Indian horse-thieves and a murderer punished at San Diego. Id., Ben. Mil., xlvi. 8-9.

In Reid's Ind. of Los Angeles; Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, Mar. 9, May 4, June 8, 1860; Bowers' Sta Rosa Island, in Smithsonian Rept., 1877, 316-20; and Dall's Lords of the Isles, in Overland Monthly, xii. 522-6, we find certain rather vague references to the natives of the Santa Bárbara Islands, who about this time, being reduced to a few survivors, chiefly by the murderous assalts of the Russians and Aleuts, are said to have been brought over to thé main, except perhaps one old woman left on San Miguel. A terrible massacre by the otter-hunters of Capt. Whittemore's vessel in 1811, mentioned by Tay- lor, is the only part of the affair definitely stated. I suppose that most that has been written on the subject comes from Taylor's researches. It is not unlikely that the Alents and Indians quarrelled occasionally; and it is certain that the islanders, like those of the main, rapidly dwindled in numbers, and that the survivors were gradually attached to the Channel missions; but I find no evidence of any particular annihilation or massacre, or of any general re- moval to the main, though it is noticeable that the first isleño was baptized at Santa Inés in 1814, and that such baptisms were frequent after 1815. Sta Ines, Lib. Mision, MS., 12-13.

Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 144-6, mentions, as having occurred in 1816, an expedition under Argüello and Padre Ordaz to the far north, in which the chief Marin was captured in Petaluma valley; but the reference must be to a much later expedition-in fact Ordaz did not come to the country until 1820. The same writer, Id., i. 151-5, and also Alvarado, Hist, Cal., MIS., i. 69-70,

329

FOUNDING OF SAN RAFAEL.

It was in 1817 that the Spaniards founded their first establishment north of San Francisco Bay. The mortality among the Indians at San Francisco had become alarming and was likely to create a panic, when Sola suggested as a remedy for the evil the transfer of a part of the neophytes across the bay. Some were sent over as an experiment, greatly to the benefit of their health; but at first the president, while approving Sola's plan, hesitated about the formal transfer for want of friars, and because of the diffi- culties of communication. At last when several neo- phytes had died on the other side without religious rites, Padre Luis Gil y Taboada, late of Purísima, consented to become a supernumerary of San Fran- cisco and to take charge of the branch establishment.15 Such was doubtless the true reason for the new foun- dation, in addition to the general desire to extend the settlements in every direction. Russian writers, how- ever, claim that the movement was in opposition to the company's occupation of New Albion, and one Californian author states, with much more plausibility,

evidently confound another expedition, which they put in 1817, with Moraga's famous battle of 1810 (see chap. v. of this vol.) Vallejo puts Sanchez in com- mand of the Spaniards, Malaca of the Suisunes, and says the latter set fire to their own huts and perished in the flames. Alvarado puts Moraga in com- mand, and says that Sam Tetoy, afterwards known as Solano, was captured. It is not unlikely that these writers confound Moraga's expedition of 1810 with some other actually made in 1817. Vallejo's account of the campaign is found also in California Jour. Senate, 1850, p. 531-2; and in Solano Co. Hist., 9, 17-18.

Jan. 20, 1817, Sola writes to the viceroy that since his arrival he has ordered 7 expeditions against the pagans, all resulting favorably. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 168. Jan. 22d, Duran proposes to explore in May the place where the fugitives are, so as to prepare a plan for their capture. His weapons will be a santo cristo and a breviary, but he would also like a cañoncito for the secular branch of the expedition. Ten men and a pedrero were promised. Arch. Arzob., MS., iii. pt. i. 124-5. June Ist, Abella reports a visit to the gen- tiles who generally ran away from their rancherias. He proposes a military visit to where a neophyte and his wife are urging resistance and arguing that ' tambien los soldados tienen sangre.' Id., iii. pt. i. 136-7.

15 Sarria, Informe del Prefecto, Nov. 1817, MS., p. 73-6. The determina- tion was to found 'a kind of rancho with its chapel, baptistry, and cemetery, with the title of San Rafael Arcangel, in order that this most glorious prince, who in his name expresses the "healing of God," may care' for bodies as well as souls. Sola gives the same reasons for the new foundation in his letter of April 3, 1818, to the viceroy. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 777. Dec. 10, 1817, Sarria writes to Sola that on Saturday next he will go over with Duran. Arch. Arzob., MS., iii. pt. ii. 21.

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EXPLORATIONS AND INDIAN AFFAIRS.

that the padres desired to be nearer Ross as a con- venient market.16

The site was probably selected on the advice of Moraga, who had several times passed it on his way to and from Bodega; though there may have been a special examination by the friars not recorded. Father Gil was accompanied by Duran, Abella, and Sarria, the latter of whom on December 14th, with the same ceremonies that usually attended the dedication of a regular mission, founded the asistencia of San Rafael Arcángel, on the spot called by the natives Nanaguani.17 Though the establishment was at first only a branch of San Francisco, an asistencia and not a mision, with a chapel instead of a church, under a supernumerary friar of San Francisco; yet there was no real difference between its management and that of the other missions. The number of neophytes transferred at first I sup- pose to have been about 230, but there is very little evidence on the subject, and subsequent transfers, if any were made in either direction, are not recorded. By the end of 1820 the population had increased to 590. In 1818 an adobe building 87 feet long, 42 feet wide, and 18 feet high had been erected; divided by partitions into chapel, padre's house, and all other apartments required, and furnished besides with a corridor of tules.18 Padre Gil y Taboada remained in charge of San Rafael until the summer of 1819, when he was succeeded by Juan Amorós.

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History of California, Volume II, Part 33

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 826

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 826