History of California, Volume II, Part 51

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 826

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495

FOREIGNERS.

on each head of cattle or sheep, and two reals on each hog.24 ,

Captain John R. Cooper, of the Rover, may be re- garded as a resident of California from his first com- ing in 1823, and he brought with him Daniel A. Hill of Billerica, Mass., and Thomas M. Robbins of Nan- tucket, two gentlemen who became prominent citizens of Santa Barbara. 25 William Borris, or perhaps Bur- roughs, was an American from New York or New Jersey, with whom Captain de la Guerra on July 1st formed a contract for medical service in and about Santa Barbara for four years. 26 It was perhaps in 1823 that David, afterward baptized and known as James or Santiago, Watson, the Englishman, came to the country;27 the two Buckles, William and Man- uel, English, and perhaps brothers, came this year or possibly a little earlier, while Manuel Edward Mc- Intosh was the name of a new Scotch settler.28 Of the older foreign residents William A. Richardson was baptized at San Francisco on June 16th,29 being 27

24 Leg. Rec., MS., i. 11-16; Vallejo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., xxviii. S5; Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., vii. 126-7; Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt. ii. 117-19; Arch. Sta B., MS., ix. 133-8. The liquor tax is very unintelligible in some respects. It would seem that it must be paid by both manufacturer and buyer.

25 Dana and Moraga, Lista de Estrangeros en Sta Bárbara, 1836, MS., ac- cording to which document both Hill and Robbins came on the Rover in 1823. It is possible, however, that Robbins came on a subsequent trip, according to Huse's Sketch Sta B., 6-7, where it is stated that Hill settled in Sta Bárbara in 1824 and Robbins in 1827. In the introduction to Robbins' Diary, MS., he is said-probably by Hayes the copyist-to have come on the Rover in 1826.

26 Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., ii. 197-8. Daniel Jennison of Ireland and John Wumson of Holland served as interpreters and witnesses. How these men came to California does not appear,

27 Larkin, Notes on Pers. Char. of Californians, MS., 104, says that Wat- son in 1845 had been 22 years in California. Other authorities make the date 1824 or 1826.

28 Estrada, Lista de Estrangeros en Monterey, 1829, MS. Naturalization records in Dept. St. Pap., MS., xix. 32, 37; xx. 31, 33; Id., xvii. 39. Buckle's name is also written Boc, Bocle, Bockel, and Bugle. One is often called José Samuel. I suppose that one was originally William and the other Samuel. The former was 19 and the latter 22 years of age in 1823. Mackintosh was 28. He is said, Sacramento Record, Nov. 15, 1870, to have first visited California in 1813, and to have returned in 1823 as master of a hide droger.

29 Dept. St. Pap., MS., xix. 10-11; Vallejo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., xxviii. 322; Dep. Rec., MS., i. 74.

496

ARGÜELLO'S RULE-LAST OF THE EMPIRE.

years of age. Joseph V. Lawrence came to live at Los Angeles, where he soon married María Arriola. Jeremiah Jones was baptized sub conditione at San Juan Bautista on March 5th by Arroyo de la Cuesta, who added Teófilo Tomás to his name, while George Allen and John Mulligan, the latter a native of Tully- bamman, County Down, Ireland, were living at Mon- terey.30

A new mission was established in 1823, the twenty- first and last of the list, begun under peculiar cir- cumstances. At first there was no idea of founding a new mission. In 1822 at a conference between Canon Fernandez, Prefect Payeras, and Governor Argüello it had been decided to transfer the mission of San Francisco from the peninsula to the "north- eastern contra costa on the gentile frontier," a decision based on the comparative sterility of the old site, the insalubrity of the peninsula climate, the broadness of the field for conversion in the north, the success of the experimental founding of the San Rafael branch, and not improbably a desire on the part of two of the three conferring dignitaries to throw the few fer- tile ranchos south of San Francisco into the hands of settlers.31 The matter next came up just before the death of Payeras, who seems to have had nothing more to say about it. March 23, 1823, Padre José Altimira, very likely at Argüello's instigation, pre-

30 Dept. St. Pap., MS., xix. 16; S. Juan B., Lib. Mision, MS., 19; Vallejo. Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., xxviii. 322; xxx. 136. Oct. Ist, Alaman to gefe politico. The supreme government has decided that all foreigners must present them- selves and declare for what purpose they have come to the country, that they may be given a carta de seguridad. Dept. St. Pap., MS., i. 16. Oct. 7th, de- cree of congress authorizing foreigners to take an interest in mines. Schmidt's Civil Law of Spain and Mexico, 337-9.

31 There is no formal record of this conference, probably none was written, and it is only recorded in subsequent correspondence, chiefly in Argüello's letter of Aug. 4, 1823, in Dept. Rec., MS., i. 32; Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt. ii. 16. There were to the inhabitant of San Francisco three contra costas: The northern, or what is now Marin County; the eastern, or Alameda and Contra Costa counties, often called 'tierra firme de San José;' and the north- castern, including the country from Petaluma Creek to the Sacramento, or the counties of Sonoma, Napa, and Solano.

497

PROPOSED TRANSFER OF SAN FRANCISCO.

sented to the diputacion a memorial in which he recommended the transfer, he being a party naturally interested as one of the ministers of San Francisco. On April 9th the diputacion voted in favor of the change. It was decreed that the asistencia of San Rafael should be joined again to San Francisco, and transferred with it, and the suggestion made that the country of the Petalumas or of the Canicaimos, should be the new site. The suppression of Santa Cruz was also recommended. The governor sont these resolu- tions to Mexico next day, and Altimira forwarded copies to the new prefect Señan on April 30th, but received no response.32

An exploration was next in order, for the country between the Suisunes and Petalumas was as yet very little known, some parts of it never having been visited by the Spaniards. With this object in view, Altimira and the diputado, Francisco Castro, with an escort of nineteen men under Alférez José Sanchez, embarked at San Francisco the 25th of June, and spent the night at San Rafael. Both Sanchez and Altimira kept a diary of the trip in very nearly the same words, the substance of which I reproduce in a note so far as names, courses, and distances are concerned, omitting neces- sarily much descriptive matter respecting a country since so well known.33 The explorers went by way of

32 For these facts also we must depend on later correspondence, chiefly Altimira's letter to Argüello on Aug. 31st. Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt. ii. 50-1. The legislative records have no mention of this session, and Argüello's de- spatches to the minister of state dated Apr. 10th, Dept. Rec., MS., i. 11-12, contain but few details. Altimira states that Payeras had at the first specially intrusted the transfer and choice of site to him.

33 Sanchez, Diario de la Expedicion verificada con objetode reconocer terrenos para la nueva planta de la Mision de San Francisco, 1823, MS. The departure of Sanchez and the number of his men are stated in St. Pap. Sac., MS., xi. 16.

Altimira, Diario de la Expedicion, etc., MS. This diary was also trans- lated by Alex. S. Taylor, and published in Hutchings' Mag., v. 58-62, 115-18, as the Journal of a mision-founding expedition north of San Francisco in 1823. Though there are many verbal differences between the two diaries, it is evi- dent that they were not written independently from day to day. Probably Sanchez used the friar's MS. in making out his narrative. Taylor's transla- tion is often inaccurate.

The diary is in substance as follows: June 26th, in the morning from S. Rafael, 5 leagues north to Olompali; in afternoon, northi and round the head of the creek at the point ealled Chocuay (where the city of Petaluma now HIST. CAL., VOL. II. 32

498

ARGÜELLO'S RULE-LAST OF THE EMPIRE.

Olompali to the Petaluma, Sonoma, Napa, and Suisun valleys in succession, making a somewhat close exam- ination of each. Sonoma was found to be best adapted for mission purposes by reason of its climate, location, abundance of wood and stone, including limestone as was thought, and above all for its innumerable and most excellent springs and streams. The plain of the Petalumas, broad and fertile, lacked water; that of the Suisunes was liable more or less to the same objection, and was also deemed too far from the old

stands, the main stream being apparently called Chocoiomi) to the little brook of Lema on the flat of the Petalumas, where a bear was killed, and where they passed the night with 8 or 10 Petalumas hiding there from their enemies of Libantiloyami, or Libantiloquemi (the Libantiliyami of chap. xx.), 3} I. to the N. w. (I think this Arroyito de Lema may have been some distance down the creek.)

June 27th, over the plains and hills, eastward and north-eastward, past a small tule-lake 50x100 yards, and a little farther the large lake of Tolay, so named for the chief of the former inhabitants, one fourth of a league long by 150 or 200 yds. to 4 league wide (perhaps they were as far south as the lake back of the modern Lakeville), and thence N. E. to the plain on which is the place called Sonoma, so called from the Indians formerly living there, camp- ing on the stream near the main creek, where a boat arrived the same day from S. Francisco. (Sonoma had probably been visited before.) Payeras in 1817 used the name of Sonoma as well as Petaluma. chap. xv. The arrival of the boat and also the mention of the name coming from former inhabitants point in the same direction though there is no definite record of any previous visit. This afternoon and the next forenoon they spent in exploring the valley.

June 28th, in the afternoon they crossed over the hills north-eastward to the plain, or valley, of Napa (so accented in the original of Altimira), named for the former Indian inhabitants, and encamped on the stream (Napa Creek) which they named San Pedro for the day. A whitish earth on the borders of a warm spring thought to be valuable for cleansing purposes, and large herds of deer aud antelope were noted on the way.

June 29th, crossed over another range of hills into the plain ' of the Suisun,' so called like the other places from the former Indian inhabitants (generally called in earlier documents 'of the Suisunes' as the name of the Indians), camping on the main stream 5 1. from Napa, 101. from Sonoma, and 51. s. w. of the rancheria of the Hulatos. June 30th, killed 10 bears, and had some friendly intercourse with the Lybaitos. (In a letter of July 10th, Arch. Arzob., MS., iv., pt. ii. 23-6, Altimira gives more particulars of his conference with the Indians, by which it appears that the Lybaitos lived about 31. beyond [N. E. ] the Hulatos, or Ulatos. The rancherías of the Chemocoytos, Sucuntos, and Ompines are mentioned in the same region.)

July Ist, back to Napa and Sonoma with additional explorations of the latter valley. July 2d, up the valley and over the hills by a more northern route than before, past a tule lake, into the plain of the Petalumas, and to the old camping-ground on the Arroyo de Lema. July 3d, back by a direct course of 2 leagues to Sonoma, where after new explorations a site was chosen. July 4th, ceremonies of taking possession, and return to Olompali, 6 long Icagues. July 5th, back to San Rafael and waited for the boat from Sonoma. July 6th, embarked at Point Tiburon and went to San Francisco before the wind.

499

NEW SAN FRANCISCO.

San Francisco; but Sonoma as a mission site, with eventually branch establishments, or at least cattle- ranchos at Petaluma and Napa, seemed to the three representatives of civil, military, and Franciscan power to offer every advantage. Accordingly on July 4th a cross was blessed and set up on the site of a former gentile ranchería, now formally named New San Fran- cisco. A volley of musketry was fired, sacred songs were sung, and holy mass was said. July 4th might, therefore, with greater propriety than any other date

(N.Helvetia)

(Sta.Rosa)

Sonoma

Solano

Napa

Petaluma

Suisun

S.Antonio

Olompali

Novato

B.Redonda

S.Pablo

S.Rafael

Carquines

R. S.Joaquin

S. Pablo

Tamales:

Mt.Diablo

CONTRA COSTA OF THE NORTH-EAST.

be celebrated as the anniversary of the foundation, though the place was for a little time abandoned, and on the sixth all were back at Old San Francisco.

Only the approbation of the prelate was now want- ing, and nothing being heard from Señan, Altimira wrote to him again on the subject in very earnest terms, explaining what had been done and on what authority, justifying the proposed measures on the ground that San Francisco was on its last legs and San Rafael could not subsist alone, "notwithstanding the prejudices of certain persons." He hoped the

R. Sacramento

500

ARGÜELLO'S RULE-LAST OF THE EMPIRE.

prelate would not delay his approval of so beneficial a measure, nor listen to the unfounded objections of Padre Amorós. He threatened, moreover, if the affair should fail, to leave California and go to Europe on the first opportunity! In the same letter he charged, on the authority of the Indians lately visited in the Suisun region, that Duran of Mission San José was in the habit of making raids for converts in that region, forcibly seizing the gentiles, and even killing those who resisted. Altimira not only protested against this modo de conquistar practised by Duran and Amorós, and bitterly complained of by the late prefect, but he declared that by the terms of an arrangement made when San Rafael was separated the minister of San Jose was prohibited from making converts at all in that region, and demanded that all such neophytes should at once be given up for the new establishment.34

At the end of July Argüello asked why Altimira had not made the transfer, and was told that it was impossible to begin operations without the people of San Rafael, for those at San Francisco were not half enough. The padre went to Monterey, and was instructed by Argüello not to wait for the prelate's orders but to make a beginning at once; and corre- sponding communications were sent on August 4th to Señan, Amorós, and the comandante of San Fran- cisco. Accordingly Altimira went over to San Rafael with Lieutenant Martinez, and on the 12th took possession by inventory of the mission property. Returning to San Francisco, he started on the 23d for Sonoma with an escort of twelve men, including

34 July 10, 1823, Altimira to Señan in Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt. iii. 21-6. The last portion of this letter, relating to the complaints against Duran, was translated by W. H. T. and published in Hutchings' Mag., v. 28-30, as The First Exploration of the Bay of San Francisco, North; Extract of a Letter, etc .; and this translation was in 1877 reprinted in Territorial Pioneers of Cal., First Annual, 109-12. I suppose that the translator never saw the whole letter, and that probably the publishing committee of the society were not aware that the fragment had been before published; else they would have been likely to select for reprinting the more important diary of Altimira also in Hutchings' Magazine.

501

A CONTROVERSY AT SONOMA.

an artilleryman to manage a cannon of two pound calibre, and a force of neophyte laborers. They arrived at New San Francisco the 25th and at once began work on granary, ditch, corral, and other needed structures. There is no record of any formal ceremony on August 25th, though that is generally given as the date of foundation; and it is not probable that any was performed, the usual ceremonial acts having taken place as we have seen the 4th of July. Good progress was made for a week.35

Meanwhile Prefect Señan, just before his death, affixing his signature, very likely for the last time, to a document prepared by his secretary, had written on August 23d to Padre Sarria on the subject. Respect- ing Santa Cruz he expressed no opinion, having consulted his superiors. To the suppression of so flourishing an establishment as San Rafael he was strongly opposed; and while he did not altogether disapprove the transfer of San Francisco, he was as- tounded at the summary and illegal manner in which the diputacion had disposed of the subject without consulting the supreme government. On receipt of this communication Sarria wrote to Altimira refusing to authorize the change. By this letter the padre at New San Francisco was interrupted in his work the 31st of August, and was naturally furious. The same day he wrote to Argüello narrating en résumé all that had occurred, and complaining most bitterly of the way in which he had been treated, and of the "frivolous difficulties" put in his way by the "minister of an unprofitable asistencia" through "underhanded

35 August 4th, Arguello to Amorós, Altimira, Señan, and Martinez. Dept. Rec., MS., i. 32; Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt. ii. 16-20. Aug. 18th, Altimira to Arguello, will start on the 21st. Id., iv. pt. ii. 78. Aug. 25th, Mar- tinez to Argüello, saying that the padre started on the 23d. St. Pap., Sac., MS., x. 83-5. Aug. 31st, Altimira to Argüello, narrating all the events en résumé. Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt. ii. 50-6.

Thompson, Hist. Sonoma, 10-11, gives a brief account of the explorations and foundation. Mofras, Exploration, i. 445; ii. 6, says the mission was founded by Amorós on Aug. 25th. See also Sonoma Democrat, June 2, 1875, and other sketches in newspapers and books. Nearly all who mention the subject call the mission San Francisco Solano, or San Solano, a name given, as we shall see, at a later date.

502

ARGÜELLO'S RULE-LAST OF THE EMPIRE.

efforts," and the aid of "confederate padres." The prefect had obstinately kept silent, though not in worse health than usual and perfectly able to confirm the orders of his predecessor. The confederates were all blind to the circumstances and had exerted them- selves in the oficio de Satanás of throwing obstacles in the way of a great enterprise, especially Padre Duran; and the new president seemed to be one of the plotters, complaining that his license should have been waited for, though all might have died before it came. The padre concludes by saying, in substance : "I wish to know whether the diputacion has any authority in this province, and if these men can over- throw your honor's wise provisions. I came here to convert gentiles and to establish new missions, and if I cannot do it here, where as we all agree is the best spot in California for the purpose, I will leave the country."

A correspondence followed between Sarria and Argüello, in which the former with many expressions of respect for the governor and the secular govern- ment not unmixed with personal flattery of Argüello, justified in a long argument the position he had as- sumed.37 The governor did not reply in detail to Sar-

36 Aug. 23d, Señan to Sarria. Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt. ii. 12-15. Aug. 23d (must be an error), Sarria to Altimira. Id., 16. Aug. 31st, Altimira to Argüello. Id., 50-6.

37 Sept. 5th, Sarria to Argüello. Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt. ii. 56-68, or Sarri, Argumento contra el traslado de San Francisco, 1823, MS. The points made are briefly as follows: Sarria regards himself as only prefect ad interim and dislikes to give positive orders; but claims, Ist: That the new constitution does not change the old laws and usages by which the whole mat- ter of founding, suppressing, or moving missions, and of appointing padres was intrusted by both church and state to the prelate, the diputacion having no authority in the matter whatever. 2d. The original decree of the diputa- cion mentioned the country of the Petalumas, and now it was changed to Sonoma on the judgment of one padre. What would Captain Argüello think if the location of a fortification settled by the military authorities should be changed by a private soldier? 3d. He dwells on the great wrong to the Indians of San Rafael, now under the new régime free citizens and equal to white men, by forcing them to leave their birthplace, their lands, their houses, and the padre whom they love, they being unanimously opposed to the change. 4th. There is a great lack of padres to carry out the proposed scheme, 3 having died or departed since Payeras approved the transfer; and it was unsafe for one friar to live alone at so distant a place. 5th. If Payeras approved the transfer on general principles, it would be an insult to his mem-

503

GOVERNOR AND FRIARS.

ría's arguments, since it did not in his view matter much what this or that prefect or padre had or had not approved, but took the ground that the diputacion was empowered to act for the public good in all such urgent matters as that under consideration, and that its decrees must be carried out. During fifty years the friars had made no progress in the conversion of northern gentiles or occupation of northern territory; and now the secular authorities proposed to take charge of the conquest in its temporal aspects at least. The new establishment would be sustained with its escolta under a majordomo, and the prelate's refusal to author- ize Altimira to care for its spiritual needs would be reported to the authorities in Mexico.33

Yet, positive as was the governor's tone in general, he declared that he would not insist on the suppres- sion of San Rafael; and, though some of the corre- spondence has doubtless been lost, he seems to have consented readily enough to a compromise suggested by the prefect, and said by him to have been more or less fully approved by Altimira. By the terms of this compromise New San Francisco was to remain as a mission in regular standing, and Padre Altimira was appointed its regular minister, subject to the de- cision of the college; but neither Old San Francisco nor San Rafael was to be suppressed, and Altimira was to be still associate minister of the former. Neo-

ory to suppose he would have approved such medios violentos of effecting it. Cth. Neither Payeras nor the canónigo ever approved the aggregation of San Rafael, but on the contrary both promised the neophytes a new church. 7th. Padre Señan entertained the same views as the writer, and was asombrado at the earlier developments. How much more astounded will he be at later ones ! . What a labyrinth! The political authorities performing the func- tions of a bishop!' Sth. It may be said that application was made to the prelate. So did Henry VIII. apply to the pope for approval of his unholy marriage, but he obtained no favorable reply; neither did P. Altimira. 9th. Still Altimira is not accused of acting in bad faith, because letters are known to have been delayed on the way. 10th. Too much weight should not be given to the representations of one padre unsupported by his prelate and associates. 11th. All are zealous for new conversions, but wish them to be accomplished with moderation, regularity, and wisdom. Some of these argu- ments were repeated in Sarria's letter of Sept. 12th, unless there is an error in the date. Id., 69-72.

33 Sept. 17th, Argüello to Sarria. Dept. Rec., MS., i. 42-6.

504

ARGÜELLO'S RULE-LAST OF THE EMPIRE.

phytes might go voluntarily from Old San Francisco to the new establishment, and also from San José and San Rafael, provided they came originally from the Sonoma region, and provided also that in the case of San Rafael they might return if they wished at any time within a year. New converts might come in from any direction to the mission they preferred, but no force was to be used.39

All did not go quite smoothly under the compro- mise, and Altimira still had his troubles, though his temper cooled considerably. He complained that the ministers of the neighboring establishments were using their influence to keep their neophytes from going to New San Francisco, while Duran even circu- lated false statements of impending attacks by gentiles to accomplish his purpose, and he should be made to hold his tongue. The new mission had received less aid and cooperation from the old ones than had usually been afforded; the padre at Old San Francisco showed a disposition to retain all property of any value; a show of military power was needed to inspire respect on the part of the gentiles; and too great liberty was allowed the neophytes in the matter of choosing their place of residence, as they were inclined to change their mind every day or two. Yet the padre was en- couraged on the whole by the progress made.40

Passion Sunday, April 4, 1824, the mission church, a somewhat rude structure 24 by 105 feet, built of boards and whitewashed, but well furnished and deco- rated in the interior, many articles having been pre- sented by the Russians, was dedicated to San Francisco Solano, which from this date became the name of the mission. Hitherto it had been properly New San Francisco, though Altimira had always dated his let- ters San Francisco simply, and referred to the penin-

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History of California, Volume II, Part 51

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 826

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 826