History of California, Volume II, Part 18

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 826

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30 Feb. 1, 1801, Carrillo protests against the sending of any more idle, use- less, tradeless, immoral people. They do no good and set a bad example. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 56-7. April 30th, Arrillaga complains to viceroy of the uselessness, vices, and insolence of the settlers, and urges that no more be sent. Some of the foundlings even have been stealing. Id., xxi. 67-8. Aug. 22d, viceroy asks the Gov. to report on the 'utilidad o no' of sending con-

170

MISSIONS, PUEBLOS, AND LANDS.

In the matter of land-grants and private ranchos the records of this decade reveal no change in system or methods, and throw but a faint light on the lands actually occupied in California. There is no positive evidence that any lands were yet held by private in- dividuals under any more permament and proprietary titles than the provisional licenses to occupy already explained as having begun in the time of Fages, and continued under his successors.31 In the extreme south there were, so far as can be known, absolutely no lands in private possession within the presidial jurisdiction of San Diego. The same may be said of the extreme north, the region round San Francisco.32 At San José at least one of the provisional grants was made to José María Larios, who built a house on his rancho, and subsequently sold the whole estate to the mission of San José, a sale which was declared null and void by Arrillaga, who reprimanded Larios for having acted with bad faith in attempting to sell an estate of which he possessed only the usufruct, thereby excit- ing a controversy between mission and pueblo.33

Of the six ranchos granted to private individuals in the Monterey region,34 only one, that of Buenavista,

victs. Id., xviii. 155. Nov. 2d, V. R. announces the sending of the homicide Manuel Ramirez with his family, and asks if there are any inconvenientes. Ramirez had been sentenced to six years of presidio at Habana, but the sen- tence was changed to Monterey at the petition of his wife. Id., xviii. 130-1. Nov. 3d, Arrillaga asks Carrillo's views. Id., Ben. Mil., xxxii. 4. Dec. 28th, Carrillo replies by condemning the practice in severe terms. He says that many of the convicts continue their evil ways and boast of past achievements. Dec. 31st, Argüello to same effect, comparing the introduction of convicts to building on the sand or feeding babes with infected milk. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 57-60. Jan. 1, 1802, Alberni expresses same views. Id., xviii. 210. Feb. 27th, arrival of 2 convicts. Id., xviii. 190. Jan. 20, 1803, 5 con- victs now at San Francisco. Id., Ben. Mil., xxxi. 3. Feb. 3d, list of 16 con- victs in the Monterey jurisdiction, of whom 8, the 'least bad,' at Branciforte; 5 at San José; 2 at the presido; and 1 at the rancho of Buenavista. Id., xxxi. 1, 2.

31 See Hist. Cal., vol. i. chap. xxviii., this series.

32 There is however some vague evidence that Argüello had a license to occupy Las Pulgas or El Pilar, near San Francisco, before 1800.

33 Aug. 16, 1803, Arrillaga to Guerra. St. Pap., Miss. and Colon, MS., i. 38-40. Aug. 19th, Arrillaga to padres of S. José. Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 19. It does not clearly appear whether this land was within the four-league limit of the pueblo; but such was perhaps the case, as the governor in his letter to the padres speaks of the land, La Calera, as belonging to San José.

3+ See chap. xxxi. of vol. i.

171

PRIVATE RANCHOS.

is mentioned in the annals of this decade. The mis- sionaries of San Carlos made up their minds that the mission was in need of the lands, and were indignant because Arrillaga declined to eject the occupants in 1803.35 I suppose that some if not all of the other five ranchos were abandoned before 1810. There were, however, negotiations respecting the granting of two other ranchos in this district. Mariano Castro came back from a visit to Mexico in 1803 with a viceregal license to occupy La Brea, in the region of San Juan Bautista. It seems to have been the plan to form a kind of settlement at La Brea, six persons having agreed as early as 1801 to settle there.36 The friars protested against the grant, refused to remove their cattle, and so successfully urged their claims that before the end of the decade Castro had to give up for years all hope of possessing La Brea.37 It became necessary to find another desirable site, and accord- ingly in May 1807 Castro asked for the rancho of Salsipuedes, near the place since known as Watson- ville, which had hitherto been used by the government for the pasturage of the presidio horses. Of the re- sult of this application we know nothing beyond the fact that in July Commandant Estudillo made in- quiries with a view to learn if the concession would be in any way detrimental to Branciforte, and that the friars of Santa Cruz had something to say in defence of the mission claim to the property in ques- tion.38

Within the Santa Barbara district and in the region

35 Arch. Arzob., MS., ii. 9-12; Prov. Rec., MS., vi. 16, 17.

36 Sept. 27, 1801, list of the names forwarded to commandant of Monterey. They were Jose Rodriguez, Juan Maria Ruiz, Dolores Mesa, Joaquin Castro, Antonio Buelna, and Pablo (Botero). Estudillo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., i. 14, 15.

37 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 385-6; Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 119; xi. IS5; Arch. Arzob., MS., ii. 9-11; Arch. Sta B., MS., xii. 134-5.

38 July 9, 1807, Estudillo to comisionado of Branciforte. Santa Cruz, Arch., MS., 14; Santa Cruz, Peep, 41. July 5th, Carranza and Quintana to gov- ernor, arguing that the jurisdiction of Branciforte never extended to Rancho de Bravo, Rio Soquel, Aptos, or Corralitos (including Salsipuedes.) Arch. Arzob., MS., ii. 61.

172

MISSIONS, PUEBLOS, AND LANDS.

round Los Angeles all the ranchos of the last decade 39 were still occupied; and there also existed the Rancho de Félix, of which there is but a bare mention; Las Vírgenes, granted by Arrillaga to Miguel Ortega; El Conejo, granted in 1803 to Polanco and Rodriguez; Santiago de Santa Ana granted in 1809 to Yorba and Peralta; and a rancho near Purísima, not named but granted to Reyes, perhaps in place of Encino taken from him by the missionaries of San Fernando, and purchased of him by the mission before 1810. That the Ortegas were now in possession of El Refugio there is not much room to doubt, though I find no direct testimony to that effect in the archives. Mean- while at least two applications for ranchos were re- fused; for San Vicente desired by many persons, and Camulos near San Buenaventura, where Francisco Ávila wished to settle. In protesting against the latter grant the friars expressed very freely their ideas respecting rancheros in general. Their presence was detrimental to the success of missionary effort; they led an idle, vagabond life, often left their farms and wives in charge of gentiles, and set a bad example, rarely coming to hear mass or missing a fandango. The Indians found it hard to understand why they should be flogged for not attending religious services neglected with impunity by the Spaniards; therefore Indians who were brought up among Christians were always hardest to convert. The rancheros, the friars claimed, did not accumulate property, nor add in any respect to the prosperity of the country.40

Respecting the granting of the pueblo lots there is, and naturally in view of the decrease in the aggregate number of settlers, little or nothing in the records of this period. There was, however, an order that regular settlers were to have the preference over in-

39 See Hist. Cal., vol. i. chap. xxx., and vol. ii. chap. vi., this series. The ranchos were: San Rafael, Verdugo; Los Nietos, Nieto; San Pedro, Domin- guez; Portezuelo, Verdugo; Simí, Pico; and possibly El Refugio, Ortega.

40 May 4, 1804, padres of San Buenaventura to governor. Arch. Arzob., MS., ii. 37-9.

173

DISTRIBUTION OF LANDS.

valids in the distribution of lands whenever both classes could not be satisfied, since the latter had their pensions on which to live.41 There is also an order forbidding commandants of presidios to own ranchos for the raising of live-stock. Only a few milch cows and sheep were permitted.42

41 Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., IS-19. Nov. 14, 1808, Estudillo claims that the presidio mule-train is entitled to pasturage on the pueblo lands for short periods, and blames the comisionado because this has been refused. S. José, Arch., MS., iii. 82.

42 May 28, 1SOS, Arrillaga to Com. of San Diego. Prov. Rec., MS., xii. 64.

CHAPTER IX.

INSTITUTIONS AND INDUSTRIES. 1801-1810.

THE LABOR QUESTION-GENTILES OR NEOPHYTES-MANUFACTURES -- OR- TEGA'S SILVER-MINE-AGRICULTURE-CROPS-PESTS-SEASONS-REGU- LATIONS-HEMP AND FLAX-JOAQUIN SANCHEZ-LARGE SHIPMENTS OF FIBRE-A FLOURISHING ENTERPRISE AND SUDDEN FAILURE-STOCK- RAISING-CATTLE, HORSES, AND SHEEP-SLAUGHTER OF HORSES- COMMERCE-SMUGGLING-TRADE OF THE TRANSPORTS-FINANCE AND SUPPLIES-HABILITADO GENERAL-MILITARY-POLITICAL GOVERNMENT -ADMINISTRATION OF JUSTICE-SCHOOLS WANTED.

IN noticing miscellaneous institutions and progress from 1801 to 1810, I follow the same order as in a pre- vious presentment of the subject. The labor question presented no new phases; in fact it lacked some of its old ones, particularly the ambition to effect reforms which characterized Borica's rule. During the early years of the decade two at least of the artisan instruc- tors, Botello the tailor and Mendoza the weaver, were yet in California drawing their salary and making some efforts to teach their trades to boys at Monterey, who like the convicts on whom the same experiment was tried, displayed no ambition to excel in mechan- ical industries. Arrillaga advised that no more arti- sans should be sent from Mexico; Carrillo on the contrary thought it might be well to send instructors, provided that children could be sent with them to receive instruction, since California boys cared for nothing but riding and a military life. Armorers and carpenters for the presidios were occasionally asked for, but I find no evidence that any were obtained.

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175

MANUFACTURES.

Wages were not extravagantly high. The man who took care of the Monterey chapel was awarded by the comandante a salary of two dollars a month; but so lavish an expenditure of the public funds was disap- proved by Arrillaga, who reduced it to "a slight allow- ance now and then." Gentiles still worked for wages at pueblos and presidios, but they were becoming every year more difficult to obtain, and neophytes were employed whenever an agreement could be made with the friars who received the wage. The only contro- versy recorded was that caused by the retirement of a hundred laborers at Los Angeles in 1810 to their mission of San Juan Capistrano. President Tapis declined to order their return, but he promised not to oppose a regular repartimiento of neophyte laborers for hemp-culture, should the governor take the respon- sibility of ordering such action.1

Manufacturing industry was confined to the missions where the neophytes under the ministers' superintend- ence continued to work up the wool shorn from their large flocks into blankets and coarse fabrics which sufficed for their own clothing. They also made soap, tanned various skins and hides, made shoes and sad- dles, and did the rude carpenter's, cabinet-maker's, and blacksmith's work needed at the missions. The mis- sions monopolized the manufacture of such articles as could be sold at the presidios, and would necessarily have done so, even had the settlers or any other class had the enterprise to engage in industrial operations, as it was manifestly impossible to compete with abso- lutely costless labor in so limited a market requiring only the coarsest articles. There were no attempts to introduce new branches of manufactures or modify the old ones, and there are absolutely no statistics or details respecting the products of the mission work-shops.2

1 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 51-4, 173, 191; xix. 217; xxi. 63-5; Id., Ben. Mil., xxxvii. 42; Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 62, 119; S. José, Arch., MS., vi. 24; Arch. Arzob., MS., ii. 76-80.

2 Governor to viceroy, July 15, 1806, on condition of manufacturing indus- tries. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 86-9. Brief mention of industries. Prov. St. Pap.,

176

INSTITUTIONS AND INDUSTRIES.

The decade had its mining excitement, as we have seen in the local annals of Monterey, but it was rather a mild one. Ignacio Ortega found a vein of ore in the foothills of the Monterey, now Salinas, Valley, which being assayed yielded richly in lead and silver. The mine was worked by Ortega subsequently at several different times, but with results not known. This I learn from the mission report of 1822, which describes Ortega's silver-mine as being one league from San Juan Bautista. In the record of its discovery it was located in the foothills north-west of the rancho del rey. Robinson, followed probably by Ross Browne and Tuthill, mentions the excavation as existing on or near the Alisal rancho. Notwithstanding this dis- covery Arrillaga in his report of 1806 stated that there were no indications of metal near the coast nor in the interior so far as explored.3

Agricultural statistics are extant with an approxima- tion to completeness and accuracy only in the case of the missions,4 but if we add the average harvest of the pueblos to that of the missions we have a total grain product averaging about 93,600 bushels per year. 1807 and 1809 were years of drought and correspondingly short crops; but the statistics of production show that

Ben. Mil., MS., xxxvii. 40; Langsdorff's Voy., ii. 160-1, 169, 187-8. Langs- dorff notes particularly the absence of mills and boats. There was, however, one boat in the province, at San Diego. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 366. In Los Angeles, Hist., 7, it is stated that a saw-mill was built at an early period near the grist-mill at San Gabriel, but no date is given. In a note to a docu- ment in Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 2, 3, Vicente Gomez notes a Californian industry which probably dated back to this period or even earlier, that of remelting the panocha, or coarse brown sugar, received with the memorias, by which the government improved the quality of the staple, and also made a handsome profit.

3 Monterey, Diario, MS., 58; St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 42-3. The ore was discovered in 1800 and on being subjected to fire yielded plomo emplatado, or lead mixed with silver. An assay was made as soon as a com- petent man arrived, and yielded with imperfect apparatus six oz. of fine silver. José María Ortega was summoned from Santa Bárbara and steps were taken for a larger assay with results not recorded. See also mission report 1822, in Arch. Sta B., MS., iii. 303; Governor's report of July 1806 in Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 90; Robinson's Life in Cal., 190; Tuthill's Hist. Cal., 231; Browne's Min. Resources, 1867, 13.

4 See chap. viii., this volume.

177

AGRICULTURE.

in no year of the decade was the failure of crops very disastrous, as the smallest yield, in 1809, was more than half that of 1806, the largest. Local failures of par- ticular crops occurred sometimes, but not often, by reason of trouble about the irrigating facilities. The chahuistle, a name which seems to have been popularly applied to almost any grain disease whether blight or rust, caused by fogs or other irregularity of the weather, or by the action of worms at the root of the grain, is occasionally reported, as are the ravages of the chapulin, or locust, and of the ardillas, or ground- squirrels; but all these complaints were for the most part local, and none of the pests of farming had as yet become wide-spread or very destructive. Weather reports were sent in by the commandant with toler- able regularity, but no such thing as a rain-gauge was known, and these reports are so vaguely worded as to convey no definite idea of the successive seasons which could be utilized in the generalizations of modern sci- ence. There came also from the provincial author- ities now and then a communication urging closer attention to agricultural operations, or requiring own- ers to look out for their cattle, since no claim for damages could be sustained against a farmer who killed another's live-stock in his fields.

Respecting special agricultural products it appears only that the raising of cotton was attempted unsuc- cessfully at San Gabriel in 1808; and that the olives of the missions orchards were utilized in the manufacture of oil at San Diego and some other establishments between 1801 and 1808.5 Hemp-culture, however, continued to receive attention from the government. It gave rise to voluminous records and merits more than passing notice here, as it was an industry which, until interrupted by circumstances over which the Californians had no control, bade fair to be of substan- tial and permanent benefit to the province. Encour-

5 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xx. 281; Arch. Sta B., MS., xii. 70,. 84. HIST. CAL., VOL. II. 12

178

INSTITUTIONS AND INDUSTRIES.

aged by experience,6 the authorities in Mexico sent Joaquin Sanchez, sergeant of marines and an expert in the cultivation and preparation of hemp and flax, to superintend this industry and give instruction, for which service he was to receive fifteen dollars a month in addition to his sergeant's pay. He arrived on the Concepcion in the middle of 1801, bringing with him the necessary tools, and soon proceeded to San Jose, the only place where hemp had as yet been planted.7

During 1802 and 1803 we know but little of the progress made, except that in the transports of the latter year 381 pounds of hemp fibre were shipped to San Blas. Meanwhile the viceroy announced that although California hemp was worth only two dollars per arroba, it would be taken for a time by way of encouragement at $3.50, or fourteen cents a pound. A new set of tools was sent from Mexico, and Arri- llaga, though not very confident as to results-he never was hopeful about the future of California or anything in it-urged all to make an earnest effort, implying that there existed somewhere a strong opposition to the establishment and success of the new enterprise, to overcome which special effort and care would be necessary. The vessels of 1804 took away 463 pounds of the staple, recommended as of good quality by Sanchez, who, however, represented his patience as well nigh exhausted by the stupidity and want of zeal shown by the settlers. One of them wished to use his whole crop for making a net to catch otter, regard-

6 See Hist. Cal., vol. i. chap. xxviii., this series.

7 Ang. 9, 1801, Sanchez brought three chests of tools. Monterey, Diario, MS., 43. Value of tools, $386. Invoice of May 30th, San Blas. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 131-3. Aug. 12th, viceroy names $15 a month as the ‘grati- ficacion' to be allowed. Id., xviii. 153; Prov. Rec., MS., x. 11. July 16th, Arrillaga at Loreto orders Sanchez to prepare an 'instruccion ' on hisart. Id., viii. 44. Oct. 13th, Arrillaga expresses satisfaction at his coming. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxxii. 3. March 31, 1802, comisionado of S. José to commandant, will plant April 1st 10 or 12 almudes of hemp-seed. Is aided by a few 'converted gentiles' whose labor costs more than it comes to. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 158. Dec. 1, 1802, Arrillaga to Sanchez, attributes bad results to the hot sun rather than to any sterility of soil. Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 53.

179

HEMP CULTURE.

less of the royal needs. Another obstacle was the regulation that the pursers of the transports should decide on the price to be paid according to quality, $3.50 being the maximum. Sanchez protested that $3.50 was the lowest limit which would leave a profit to the producers, and moreover that the pursers knew nothing of the quality of the article presented.8

At the end of 1804 Sanchez distributed eleven fanegas of seed to San Luis Obispo, Purísima, Santa Inés, and Mission San José, for it was at the missions that he anticipated the best results. Hemp was sown in April, harvested in August, and was not ready for export until the following autumn. There is no record of any shipment in 1805, but it is implied that the crop of 1804 was burned. Having given the settlers of San José all the instruction they needed, Sanchez went south in September to continue his labors at Los Angeles and throughout the Santa Bárbara district. Before leaving, however, he announced his opinion that though hemp bade fair to succeed in California, flax could not be profitably produced on account of the expensive operations required.º In Mexico the tribunal de cuentas reported to the viceroy in March 1805 on the great importance of the new industry, showing the impossibility of the producers waiting until the quality of their hemp could be tested at San Blas, together with the danger of allowing the inex- perienced pursers of the transports to decide the mat- ter. It was recommended to adopt a liberal policy for a time even if it should occasion a loss to the gov- ernment. Accordingly the viceroy instructed Arri- llaga that all the hemp offered was to be paid for, the determination of value being left largely to his discre- tion. 10 Accordingly the price paid subsequently for

8 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 314-18: St. Pap., Miss. and Colon., MS., i. 32-7; Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 58; ix. 31. Guerra, Doc. Ilist. Cal., MS., iii. 180-3.

9 Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 181-3; xix. 74.

10 March 7, 1805, report of tribunal de cuentas with approval of Fiscal Barbon. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 54-7. April 30th, viceroy to governor. Id., xix. 58. July 15, 1806, Arrillaga says that 200 pounds of hemp cost $13 de-

180

INSTITUTIONS AND INDUSTRIES.

hemp in good condition seems to have been four dol- lars per arroba, or sixteen cents a pound.

Although some opposition was experienced from the settlers at Los Angeles, the new industry flour- ished more and more each year in pueblo, mission, and even private rancho. So far as the figures, some- what complicated and contradictory in 1809-10 espe- cially, can be understood, the hemp shipments of 1806 were 1,850 pounds; of 1807, 12,500 pounds; of 1808, 89,000 pounds; of 1809, 84,000 pounds; and of 1810, 120,000 pounds, or according to one report, 173,200 pounds.11 Of this quantity less than 5,000 pounds seems to have been produced north of Purísima, all perhaps at San José. There was, besides, a surplus from the crop of 1810 of 98,750 pounds which the vessels could not carry away. Of this surplus 5,000 pounds came from San Gabriel and 30,000 from Santa

livered at the shore without reckoning manure or tillage. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 87-8. Aug. 4th, comisionado of San Jose ordered to buy half of all hemp produced at 20 reals per fanega. S. José, Arch., MS., iii. 79. June 16, 1807, Sanchez at Sta Bárbara says the journey from the hemp-fields to the port re- quires five days, a mule carrying 200 pounds. He asks that 50 cents be added to the price. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 208. Aug. Ist, Arrillaga orders the comandantes of Monterey and San Francisco to pay $4 per arroba. Id., xix. 216. March 1808, hemp growing finely at Sta Bárbara and Los Angeles. Id., xix. 236. Aug. 6th, comandante asks governor for instruc- tions. Harvesters of hemp must be paid in money, but funds were scarce. Arch. Arzob., MS., v. pt. ii. 105-6. Aug. 12th, Sanchez informs the Gov. that hemp from the north was landed at Sta Bárbara for his inspection. The lots from Santa Cruz and San Juan Bautista were rotten, badly prepared, and useless. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 236-7. March 7, 1809, Alcalde Soto of Angeles petitions the Gov. in behalf of the settlers to restrain Sanchez from sowing 40 or more fanegas of hemp as he proposed, since the other crops would suffer for want of water; but Arrillaga declined to interfere, regarding the hemp-culture as of paramount importance. Id., xix. 258-9, 264. July 16th, probably $20,000 worth of hemp will be shipped from S. Diego and the habilitado lacks funds; besides he expects some compensation for attending to this new duty. Id., xix. 260.

11 Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 100; ix. 94, 102, 110, 126; xi. 5, 8, 121, 130; Prov. St. Pop., MS., xix. 255-7, 260-1, 274, 283-7. The sowing in 1810 was 100 fan. at San Gabriel; 100 fan. at Angeles; 36 fan. at San Fernando; 52 fan. at S. Buenaventura; 25 fan. at Sta Bárbara; 57 fan. at Sta Inés; 80 fan. at S. Juan Capistrano and Rio Sta Ana; 40 fan. at S. Diego and Los Nietos; total, 490 in the south. The distribution of hemp shipped in 1810, was as follows: From S. Gabriel, 15,582 1bs .; San Fernando, 7,600 lbs .; Sta Inés, 12,508 Ibs. ; S. Buenaventura, 9,90S Ibs .; San Luis, 2,044 lbs .; Sta Bárbara Presidio ware- house, last year's crop, 28,963 lbs .; San Diego, 44,781 1bs .; 13 settlers, 37,530 Ibs .; or 7 settlers, 11,840 lbs .; Sta Bárbara mission, 4,583 1bs .; Monterey, 4,537 1bs.

181

LIVE-STOCK.

Inés. Thus we see that in the south a flourishing industry had been established, bringing into the prov- ince $20,000 a year with flattering prospects for the future. It is not necessary to speculate respecting what would have been the ultimate result under ordi- nary circumstances, and it is pleasant to notice one enterprise whose failure is not to be attributed to the stupidity of either Californians or the Spanish govern- ment. Fail it did, however, most suddenly and com- pletely; for the shipment of 1810 was the last made. The revolution broke out in New Spain; the transports ceased to visit Californian ports; there was neither means to pay for nor to transport Californian hemp. In February 1811 Arrillaga notified the farmers through Sanchez that if they chose to cultivate hemp, it must be at their own risk or for their own use. His excuse was that the government had already enough of the staple for the proposed experiment, an excuse either invented by himself or suggested by the viceroy, for it was not deemed wise to speak of the revolt in those days. 12

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History of California, Volume II, Part 18

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 826

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 826