USA > California > History of California, Volume II > Part 9
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22 Simpson's Narrative, i. 377-9.
23 Born at San Francisco and baptized on Feb. 26, 1790. San Francisco, Lib. de Mision, MS., 25-6. Commandant Zúñiga, of San Diego, acted as godfather, through Manuel Boronda, who had a power of attorney for the purpose. Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 102-13; Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 40-1; and Romero, Memorias, MS., 9, all speak of the lady in terms of the highest respect, dwelling on her many acts of charity and religion, her minis- trations to the sick, her teaching of children, both Indian and Spanish; her habit of carrying always a bottle of holy water, her visits to the different missions and presidios, and her persistent rejection in the early days of all offers of marriage. Gov. Alvarado believed that by a mysterious warning she saved his life at Santa Barbara in 1838. No writer, however, says any- thing of her having ever left California, which fact I learn from her own correspondence preserved in the family archives of Don José de la Guerra y Noriega. April 20, 1818, she writes from Loreto to her brother. She is evidently in considerable trouble from the ardor with which one Don San- tiago, James Wilcox Smith presses his snit for her hand, and the reports current on the subject among her friends in California. She denies having given Don Santiago any encouragement that she would marry him, though she admits it did once occur to her that, as he promised to change his religion, by consenting she might save his soul; but she had reflected that if his con- version was sincere he had no need of her. Whatever interest she had shown in him has been from gratitude for favors to her family. She is anxious that the matter be explained to Jose de la Guerra and Pablo Sola. Guerra, Doc., Ilist. Cal., MS., vi. 131-2. Oct. 16, 1819, she writes at Sta Bárbara to Guerra, that she is in a despondent mood; declares her intention to live here until her death, which she believes to be near, and begs the pardon of every member of the household for the trouble she has caused. Jan. 30, 1829, she writes again from Guadalajara about her mother's desire to return to Cali- fornia, though wholly unable to make the journey. Id., vi. 133-4.
21 Tikhmenef, Istor. Oboranie, i. 171; Prov. Rec., viii. 89.
79
PLANS FOR A SETTLEMENT.
with fifty native hunters, making a very profitable hunt, especially in Lower California. 25 George Eyres in the Mercury in 1808-9 brought back 1,040 skins as the company's share, though he lost some men by desertion. 26 The considerable profits of these and preceding expeditions made Baránof think of sending out one on the sole account of the company. The procuring of furs was not, however, his only motive as will be seen.
Rezánof had come back from the south with two dominant ideas. One was the establishment on a permanent basis of trade with California; the other was the acquisition by the company of some portion of the New Albion coast, where an agricultural and trading establishment might be formed to serve as a supply-dépôt for the northern settlements. It is noticeable that his original plan was to introduce Chinamen into California as agricultural laborers for the colony. 27 With regard to commerce, the company on receipt of Rezánof's reports sent a petition to the emperor setting forth the great advantages to be de- rived, and requesting imperial intercession with the Spanish government. The Russian minister at Ma- drid was instructed to open negotiations, but owing to political changes in Spain the matter dropped out of sight for a time;23 or at least Spain gave no reply.
Concerning the New Albion settlement it was doubtless deemed unnecessary to apply at first to the government, because the emperor had already author- ized the company to establish Russian sovereignty as far south as was possible without infringing on the rights of other nations, and it was easy to ignore any claim of Spain to the country north of San Francisco Bay. Rezánof, however, had higher aims than the
25 Boston in the Northwest, MS., 20-7. From the log-book. Not mentioned by Russians or in Spanish records. More details will be given in the next chapter.
26 Baránof, Shizneopissanie, 112; Khlébnikof, Zapiski, 9; Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 97-8; xii. 73.
27 Letter of June 1806, in Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., ii. app. 267.
28 Potechin, Selenie Ross, 3, 4; Tikhmenef, Istor. Obosranie, i. 204.
80
RUSSIAN RELATIONS.
mere occupation of an unsettled region. He hoped to found settlements at the mouth of the Columbia, thence to extend Russian power gradually southward, and eventually to wrest from Spain a large part of Alta California.29 These schemes the chamberlain confided to the chief director, and succeeded in inspir- ing Baránof with a portion of his own enthusiasm. Thus it was that when the latter resolved to despatch a hunting expedition to southern waters, he also in- tended it to keep a sharp lookout for a favorable site for the projected settlement.
The important mission was intrusted to a well tried officer of the company named Kuskof. Two vessels were fitted out. The Nikolai, Master Balygin, with Tarakánof as store-keeper, sailed for the Columbia in October 1808, but was wrecked. Most of the men were captured by the Indians; but Tarakánof with a few hunters was rescued by an American ship two years later. Kuskof sailed on the Kadiak, master Petrof, October 26, 1808, and first touched at Trinidad Bay. Finding neither otter nor natives here he con- tinued his voyage to Bodega Bay, where he arrived January 8, 1809. I append the original Spanish map made at the discovery of the bay by Bodega y Cuadra in 1775.30 Here the Kadiak remained at anchor until the 29th of August. The adjoining region was some- what carefully explored; friendly relations were es- tablished with the natives by the distribution of gifts;
29 In a letter to the company dated New Archangel, Feb. 15, 1806, and marked 'secret,' Rezánof, after recommending a settlement on the Columbia and an approach thence to San Francisco Bay, 'which forms the boundary of California,' he goes on to say: 'If we can only obtain the means for the begin- ning of this plan, I think I may say that at the Columbia we could attract a population from various parts, and in the course of ten years we should become strong enough to make use of any favorable turn in European politics to in- clude the coast of California in the Russian possessions .. . The Spaniards are very weak in these countries, and if in 1798 when war was declared by Spain our company had had a force corresponding to its proportions, it would have been very easy to seize a piece of California from 34° to Santa Bárbara ... and to appropriate this territory forever since the geographical position of Mexico would have prevented her from sending any assistance overland.' Rezanof, Zapiski, 233-4.
30 Proc. St. Pap., Ben., MS., i. 21. This map should have appeared in vol. 1.
81
EXPLORATION OF BODEGA.
some temporary buildings were erected; over 2,000 otter-skins were secured; and five or six men, Rus- sians and Americans, deserted. The return voyage was tedious, but Sitka was reached in October.31 The Spaniards did not long remain ignorant of Kuskof's presence at Bodega. The deserters made straight for the settlements, told all they knew, and were gathered into jail for their pains. The Aleuts also were seen hunting on the bay of San Francisco, whither they had carried their bidarkas overland, and where several of their number were captured. 32
Kuskof after his long stay was able to render a very full report. He had found a tolerable harbor, a fine
Campo Verde
FARACCON DEL PADRE SIERRA
Pta. de Munguia
20
Pta. Arenas
5:18
Pta. del Cordon
15
15
BODEGA BAY IN 1773.
31 Khlébnikof, Zapiski, 10, 137; Baránof, Shizneopissanie, 110-11; Potechin, Selenie Ross., 5; Tikhmenef, Istor. Obosranie, i. 207-8. The harbor is called Roumiantzof Bay in the last-mentioned work.
32 Feb. 9, 1809, Arrillaga to commandant of San Francisco, the natives report large Russian ships at Bodega, the crews of which have erected build- ings. A captured Indian says he belongs to the Nera. Canoes fishing on the bay. Prov. Rec., MS., xii. 286. Feb. 16th, commandant to governor, among the natives who came from the other side on Fcb. 14th are two Amer- ican deserters from the ship at Bodega. They are of the four confined by Rezanof on an island during his visit. The vessel is the Coniach, Capt. Goosebfh, with 40 Russians and 150 Indians including 20 women. Fifty canoes have been crossed from Hnymenes Bay to Pt Bonetes. The strangers must have had much trade with the Indians to judge from the effects seen. Yesterday three Russians came to San José and were sent to the presidio. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 266-8. March 31st, Arrillaga reports these facts to the viceroy; two wounded captives.
HIST. CAL., VOL. II. 6
MAR Ó RIO
10-10
S2
RUSSIAN RELATIONS.
building site, tillable lands, a mild climate, abundance of fish and fur-bearing animals, and, above all, a region unoccupied by any European power. Accordingly the emperor was again petitioned to induce Spain to open the California trade; and the imperial per- mission was also asked for a settlement on the coast of New Albion, with assurance of the highest pro- tection in case of opposition by the Americans. Nothing was said of Spanish opposition, since it was best not to admit even indirectly that the Spaniards had anything to say in the matter. His majesty did not see fit to enter into any negotiations with the court of Madrid, but adopted the simpler plan of in- forming the company that with regard to commerce they might arrange the matter as best they could, while as to the settlement they were at liberty to found it on their own account, relying on the highest protection when "occasion should require it." 33
Upon receiving this encouragement the general administration instructed Baránof to send a ship to California with a cargo of suitable goods; and at the same time forwarded to him a written proclamation addressed by the company to the inhabitants of Cal- ifornia. This proclamation, though dated March 15, 1810, did not reach California for several years; for although Kuskof attempted a new expedition to Bodega, he was unsuccessful and was obliged to return from Queen Charlotte Island where his hunters were attacked by the Indians.34 Meanwhile Jonathan Win- ship made an otter-catching contract at the end of 1809, and sailing in the O'Cain in 1810-11 he brought back over 5,400 otter-skins to share from the Califor- nia coast. His brother, Nathan Winship of the Alba- tross, also made a contract in October 1810 and brought back 1,120 skins. 35 I have more to say of these voy- ages in their chronological order.
33 Tikhmenef, Istor. Obosranie, i. 204-7; Khlebnikof, Zapiski, 167.
3+ Tilhmenef, Istor. Obosranie, i. 208.
35 Khlébnikof, Zapiski, 9, 10; Baránof, Shizneopissanie, 129-30; Albatross' Log-book, MS.
CHAPTER V.
CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIVE OF EVENTS.
1807-1810.
PRECAUTIONS-A SPANISH CRUISER-THE 'DERBY' AND THE 'O'CAIN,' CAP- TAINS SWIFT AND WINSHIP-HOLY OIL-A STRANGE FLAG-WARNINGS AGAINST THE FRENCH-THE 'DROMO'-THE 'MERCURY,' CAPT. EYRES- AMERICAN DESERTERS-TROUBLES IN SPAIN-FERNANDO VII. RECOG- NIZED IN CALIFORNIA-CONTRIBUTION FOR WAR AGAINST NAPOLEON- PRESIDENT TAPIS REELECTED-DROUGHT OF 1809-NEOPHYTE LABOR- ERS-INDIAN TROUBLES IN 1810-MORAGA'S BATTLE AT SUISUN-REVOLT AT SAN GABRIEL-OTTER-HUNTERS-THE WINSHIP, BROTHERS-THE 'O'CAIN,' 'ALBATROSS,' 'ISABELLA,' 'MERCURY,' 'CATHERINE,' 'AME- THYST,' AND 'CHARON,' ON THE COAST, 1810-12-SMITH AND GALE-A TRANSPORT CAPTURED BY INSURGENTS.
RETURNING to the chronological order of events and to the year 1807, we find the record of that year by no means an exciting one. The Princesa, armed as a cruiser, returned to California to convoy the transport Activo, and to guard the coast against foreign craft,1 but no foe appeared, and there is no naval battle to record. At the suggestion of Arrillaga the San Carlos was ordered north for the next year's cruise, being better fitted for the service than the other vessel.2 The provincial authorities were warned against the American ship Eagle of 1,000 tons, fitting out at New York for some Spanish port in the Pacific; and
1 The vessels arrived at Monterey in May, and were at San Diego in July. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 98; xii. 54, 60, 270-1. Dec. 10th, they anchored at San Blas, bringing hemp, tallow, lard, hides, deer-skins, otter-skins, wool, salmon, sardines, shoes, bear-skins, oak planks, etc. Gacetas de Mex., xvii. 40.
2 Aug. 28th, Oct. 6, 1807, viceroy to Arrillaga. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 197, 204. A few of the artillerymen seem to have sailed for Mexico this year, to be replaced by others. Id., xix. 206, 217.
(83 )
84
CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIVE.
also against an English squadron seen off Panamá;3 but the peace of California was not disturbed ex- cept by Aleut otter-hunters of the Derby and the O'Cain.
Of Swift's visit in the Derby we only know through Russian authorities that such a visit was made;4 but about Jonathan Winship's visit in the O'Cain with his brother Nathan as mate, we are better informed, though the Russian records do not mention it, or rather perhaps include it in the mention of the same captain's preceding trip. The O'Cain left Kadiak January 16, 1807, with fifty native hunters, and in a month reached the Farallones, the south island being explored at this visit, perhaps for the first time, and seals being found in great numbers. Obtaining sup- plies from the Spaniards at San Pedro, Winship hunted otter for a time at Santa Catalina Island, where he found forty or fifty Indian residents who had grain and vegetables to sell;5 on March 6th he was off Todos Santos Bay. For a month the hunt, extensive, adventurous, and successful, was prosecuted on the peninsular coasts and islands, with which both captain and hunters were already familiar; and on April 19th the O'Cain sailed again for the north, with one hundred and forty-nine Indian hunters on board, besides twelve women and three Russians. Reaching New Archangel after a stormy voyage, Winship sailed for China in October with a cargo worth $136,000,
3 St. Pap., Sac., ix. 71-2; Prov. Rec., ix. 97: Prov. St. Pap., xix. 227. July 1807, no exchange of prisoners with privateers to be allowed, unless two thirds of the crew are English. Prov. Rec., ix. 100.
4 Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., i. 171.
5 ' The Spaniards, with a pretended jurisdiction(!), attempted to prohibit other nations from taking fur-bearing animals on their coast; consequently when the ship was at anchor in the ports on the main, it was ostensibly for the purpose of trade with the Spaniards; and the canoe hunters were kept away from the ship, giving the appearance of not being connected with her. The Spaniards would sometimes capture and confiscate a stray canoe with its contents; and the Indians of the missions would occasionally meet with the Kodiaks and have a scrimmage. A number of such are recorded in the log, in which a few were killed and wounded on both sides, the fortune of war generally terminating in favor of the Kodiaks.' Boston in the Northwest, MS., 22.
ITEMS OF 1807.
and in the next June the vessel was back at Boston to prepare for another venture the following year.6
Among local happenings of this year there may be noted in the extreme north an Indian fight near Car- quines Strait in which twelve or thirteen neophytes were killed by the gentiles; and in the south a quar- rel between lieutenants Ruiz and Guerra y Noriega, in which the latter was knocked down, and as a result of which both were reprimanded by governor and viceroy. This was at San Diego.
Missionary events and correspondence were not more sensational than secular doings. The bishop of Sonora made a demand for payment in masses for holy oil furnished through the Dominicans; but Tapis declared that the Franciscans received annually an arroba of holy oil from Mexico, consecrated by the archbishop and presented by the dean y cabildo of Mexico. The Dominican president admitted the receipt from the "simple-minded secretary of the bishop" of a few bottles "with corn-cob stoppers," the contents of which had to be eked out with common olive-oil.7
In August 1808 a gentile Indian from the Tular region arrived at San Fernando with a flag, not rec- ognized by the friars, which he said had been sent " through a space of ten captains," that is through a cordillera of ten tribes, by a captain whose name the messenger did not know, but who wanted to know if it were true that there were padres and gente de razon west of the Sierra. Father Muñoz thought that the
6 Boston in the Northwest, 20-7, from the log-book of the voyage. There is nothing in the Spanish archives about the visits of either the Derby or O'C'ain this year unless it may be the mention of a vessel at Bodega in May to June. Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 89.
¡ Arch. Sta B., MS., xii. 272-6. Nov. 30, 1807, Tapis announces in a cir- cular that the bishop has granted him for 30 months power to remove the impediments of 3d and 4th degrees of consanguinity. Id., xi. 156. Nov. 23, 1868, Tapis to padres. The procurador has 3,000 masses at one dollar each on his hands to be said in six months. Let each say how many he will take. Let each mission also say a misa de rogativa for remedy of evils in Spain until the king returns to his throne. Id., xii. 308-10; x. 273-4.
S6
CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIVE.
Indian's reports of a sea in the north might be true, and proposed to write to the mysterious captain. Argüello pronounced the flag English, and found the Indian's tale somewhat contradictory and improbable.8
The year was not without its alarms. The gov- ernor was instructed to seize any French vessel that might appear, if it were possible, but otherwise the knowledge of war must be kept from the Frenchman so that he might fall into Mexican hands at Acapulco.9 No French commander ventured to approach the California ports and to assume such risks. A warn- ing came also against the Boston ship Dromo coming presumably to engage in contraband trade. She was to be seized and kept, the rudder being removed and the cargo deposited under inventory. The Dromo was much nearer capture in some port of Alta Cali- fornia than was the possible French craft; for she actu- ally came to Lower California, where this year and the next she engaged in profitable barter for furs; but she did not reach San Diego.10 In December five American sailors made their appearance at San José, claiming to have been shipwrecked but in reality deserters, as they confessed later, from a vessel seen on the coast, which was doubtless the Mercury, Cap- tain Eyres, which vessel visited the coast in 1808-9 under a Russian contract, touching according to Rus- sian authorities at Trinidad, Bodega, San Francisco, and San Diego.11 The Spanish vessels of the year were the Concepcion, Princesa, and San Carlos, the latter armed as a cruiser.12 The missions were called
8 Arch. Arzobispado, MS., ii. 63-5.
9 Oct. 26, 1808, viceroy to governor. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 238.
10 Little's Life on the Ocean. Baltimore, 1843; Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 245-7; St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 134-6; Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 111.
11 Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 110; xii. 283-4. The Americans were as usual set to work at the presidio to earn their living. They were sent to San Blas next year with two Indians from same vessel, called Macure or Macara. Id., viii. 97-8. For Russian authorities see chap. iv. April 26, 1809, Arrillaga to commandant, is informed that 24 cayucos, with 40 men and a pilot, belong- ing to the ship George lying at San Pedro, had come to San Juan Capistrano to catch otter and were driven off. Pror. Rec., MS., xii. 73.
12 Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 107; xi. 128-9; xii. 68-9, 278, 280; Estudillo, Doc. Ilist. Cal., MS., i. 72; Gaceta de Mex., xviii. 92. The San Carlos and Con-
87
FERNANDO VII. IN CALIFORNIA.
upon to contribute according to their age to the pay- ment of a deceased síndico's deficit, that no shade of dishonor might rest upon the order or the college;13 and as we have seen the friars were required to strive earnestly in prayer for the clearing-up of the political atmosphere in Spain. Locally the most important occurrence was a series of violent earthquakes at San Francisco in June and July.
The startling events in Spain produced but slight effect in the more distant American provinces. Car- los IV. abdicated in March 1808 in favor of his son Fernando VII., and in June Napoleon made his brother Joseph king of Spain and the Indies; but in California, as elsewhere in America, Joseph was never recognized. News of the changes, of peace with England, of the so considered war with France came to California at the end of the year, with a call for prayers from the missionaries and for a money contri- bution from all.14 On March 5, 1809, Fernando VII. seems to have received the formal allegiance of Cali- fornia so far as it could be rendered by the presidio garrisons and mission guards. The troops at each place being drawn up under arms, the commanding officer read the general order and called out thrice "Viva el Rey Nuestro y Señor Natural Don Fernan- do!" then he repeated thrice "Castilla por el Señor Don Fernando VII.," and on each occasion all the men responded, "Long live our king and natural lord Fer-
cepcion were at San Francisco and Monterey in May; the San Carlos and Princesa at San Diego in October; and the San Carlos reached San Blas Nov. Ist. The cominanders were Ramon de Moya, Agustin Bocalan, and José María Narvaez.
13 Arch. Sta B., MS., xi. 157-8. Circular of Tapis dated June 30th. Also in Arch. Obispado, MS., 7, 8.
14 Sept. 6, 1808, viceroy decrees general amnesty on accession of Fernando VII. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 243. Sept. 24th, viceroy sends proclamation of peace between Spain and England. Id., xix. 242. Oct. 12th, V. R. calls for a war contribution. All classes to be appealed to in the name of religion, king, and country. Id., xix. 239. News of war said to have been received at Monterey in October. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 109. Nov. 23d, circular of Tapis to padres. Arch. Sta B., MS., x. 274. Nov. 24th, Arrillaga calls upon the padres for prayers. Prov. Rec., xii. 93-4. The viceroy's decree and proclama- tion of Oct. 3d, 4th, are also alluded to. San José, Arch., MS., iii. 83.
SS
CHRONOLOGICAL NARRATIVE.
dinand the Seventh!" The same day salutes were fired and church services held. Subsequently on the 10th of August, in accordance with orders from Mex- ico, Governor Arrillaga before President Tapis, fathers Amorós and Sarria, Surgeon Quijano, and Cadet Es- trada at San Carlos, placing one hand on the bible, the other on the cross of his sword, and kneeling before the crucifix, swore loyalty to Fernando VII. and obedience to the Junta Superior Gobernativa in de-
fence of his country.15
Meanwhile the missionaries
may be supposed to have been zealous in their suppli- cations for divine assistance in behalf of their legiti- mate sovereign and against the machinations of the Bonapartes; and the work of collecting pecuniary assistance was also advanced, the contribution from the troops amounting to $1,689.16 Another contribu- tion was made in 1810, but respecting it few details have been preserved.
The presence of Kuskof at Bodega and that of Capt. Ayers on the southern coast in the early part of 1809 have been already noticed.17 In October three more Americans were arrested at San Gabriel, who may be supposed to have deserted from the Mercury in the spring, since there is no record of any other American vessel on the coast this year.18 The Prin- cesa and San Carlos brought the year's supplies, ar- riving at Monterey and San Francisco in May and
15 Estudillo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., i. 81. Circular of commandant of Mon- terey dated Feb. 26, 1809. March 5th, mention of ceremonies. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 111. Oath of the governor. Prov. St. Pup., MS., xix. 262-3.
16 Feb. 26, 1809, comandante of Monterey calls for a contribution in his jurisdiction. San José, Arch., MS., iii. 83. San José and Branciforte, $528. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xlvii. 3. July 3d, viceroy sends thanks for $1,689 from the four presidios. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 250-1. Aug. 1809, governor has ordered chanting of litany after high mass during war. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 116. April 25, 1810, among King Joseph's agents in America is named Santiago Parreño for New Mexico and California. Prov. St. Pup., MS., xix. 303. Ang. 10, 1810, more donativos asked for by the audiencia gobernadora. Id., xix. 294. Dec. 31, 1810, soldiers of San Francisco contrib- uted $299. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xliv. 4.
17 See chap. iv. of this vol.
18 Prov. Rec., MS., xi. 2. March 27th, Indians forbidden to bring sailors from foreign vessels under severe penalty. Id., xi. 131. October, deserters from foreign vessels to be put to work repairing the presidio. Id., 'ix. 117.
89
EVENTS OF 1809.
June, and sailing from San Diego in November. 19 In missionary annals of the year I may note the reëlec- tion of President Tapis at the college of San Fernando; and some regulations issued respecting mission libraries and the books of dead friars. Each book was to be plainly marked as being the property of the college, so that in the event of secularization, which was always kept in view by the Franciscans, it might be taken away.20 Local items include the consecration of new mission churches at San Buenaventura and San José, the beginning of another at San Antonio, and some new trouble about boundaries at Santa Clara. The year 1809 was one of drouth and short crops, even worse than 1807. The loss in yield of barley and corn was less than in that of wheat; and the extreme south- ern missions suffered as a rule more than those in the north. The total falling-off in all crops was about thirty per cent from the average, and not more than ten per cent from the crops of 1807. These con- clusions rest on the mission statistics, since the corre- spondence of the time shows little beyond the fact that it was a hard year.21
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