History of California, Volume II, Part 46

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 826

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hab .; Goroy, 1,000 inhab., on Rio Jesus María, near a hill and alameda, or grove; the rancheria was protected by a stockade; Guiritoy, or Guitistoy, 1,600 inhab., on same river, near an alameda of large oaks stretching 10 leagues; Capá (Capay, opposite Chico?); Coriú; Cha, 1,500 inhab .; Teroti; Hutulrabe; Ducdac; Pachi; Sunus; Chenó; Llali.

29 It is rather vaguely implied by Ordaz that a few Indians were wounded at Guiritoy on Oct. 26th; and Amador claims to have aimed low notwithstand- ing Argüello's orders, killing seven.

30 The diary has it 'east,' but this must of course be an error, perhaps of my copyist.

448

THE LAST YEAR OF SPANISH RULE.

seem to point to the latitude of Shasta or Weaver- ville as the northern limit of this exploration.31

For nine days, the explorers marched southward over the mountains. No distances are given, and I shall not pretend to trace the exact route followed, though I give in a note the names recorded in the diary.32 Like those in the valley, the savages were not as a rule hostile, though a few had to be killed in the extreme north; but their language could no longer be understood, and it was often difficult to obtain guides from ranchería to ranchería. The natural diffi- culties of the mountain route were very great. Many horses died, and four pack-mules once fell down a precipice together. The 3d of November, at Benenuc, some blue cloth was found, said to have been obtained from the coast, probably from the Russians. On the 6th the ocean was first seen, and several soldiers recognized the "coast of the Russian establishment at Bodega." Next day from the Espinazo del Diablo was seen what was believed to be Cape Mendocino, twenty leagues away on the right. Finally on the 10th the party from the top of a mountain, higher than any before climbed, but in sight of many worse ones, abandoned by their guides at dusk, with only three days' rations, managed to struggle down and out through the dense undergrowth into a valley.

31 Another clue to the locality may be found in the fact that on starting south, they followed a river along the foot of the range for a whole day, and at the end of the second day, after passing between two steep ranges still southward, encamped on a river supposed to be the same. They named the stream Todos Santos. Amador says it was the Trinity, which indeed seems to be the only stream in this region on which they could have travelled so long to the south. Yet the diary does not indicate that they crossed the main Shasta range to reach the river, nor do subsequent events seem to point to the Trinity.

32 Rio Todos Santos; Tuyaja, on river said by the Indians to be the same; Lonita; Gapetely; Poquetoe; Benenuc. Fertile valleys of Sta Catalina and Cármen; Mt Maltrato; Arroyo de Salsipuedes; and ranch-Chugelempa; Arroyo de los Peligros; Caguitlomé; Satumtutillami; Gualactole; Guiaguil- lomi; Oleyomi; Catalillomi; Chiyasayacume; Espinazo del Diablo; Magma; Valley of Buena Esperanza; Arroyo de S. Ignacio (this according to Pa- yeras, Noticias sobre Ross, MS., 417-see also chap. xx. this volume-was the Russian River about 13 leagues above its mouth, or perhaps not far above Cloverdale); Valley of Libantiliyami.

449.

RETURN.

And down this valley of Libantiliyami, which could hardly have been any other than that of the Russian River, though at what point in the present Sonoma County or from what direction they entered it I am at loss to say,33 the returning wanderers hastened; over a route that seems to have presented no obsta- cles-doubtless near the sites of the modern Healds- burg and Santa Rosa-and on November 12th at noon, after twenty hours' march in three days, arrived at San Rafael.34 Next day, after a thanksgiving mass, the boats arrived and the work of ferrying the horses across to Point San Pablo was begun. The infantry soldiers, who were mounted during the expedition, also took this route home, both to Monterey and San Francisco. The rest arrived at the Presidio in the boats at 10 A. M. on the 15th. Thus ended the most extensive northern expedition ever made by the Span- iards in California.35

33 From this diary alone it would be most natural to suppose it was in the region of Ukiah from the direction of Cow Mountain on the east or north-east; but from the mountains the ocean was plainly visible, and there is no inen- tion of any body of water corresponding to Clear Lake. In a diary of the next year, however, Payeras, Noticias sobre Ross, MS., 417, it is clearly stated that the Arroyo de San Ignacio, where they encamped on Nov. 9th, subse- quently climbing a high mountain on the 10th, and thence descending into. the valley, was the Russian River 13 1. above its mouth, that is in the region of Cloverdale. And again in the expedition to explore Sonoma in 1823, the ranchería of Libantiliyami, passed in 1821 on the first day's march down the valley of the same name, is said to have been three and a half leagues N. W. from the site of the modern Petaluma, that is not far from Santa Rosa. Alti- mira, Diario, MS .; Sanchez, Diario, MS .; see also chap. xxii. of this volume.

31 Names on this last part of the journey were: Sierra de Buen Retiro, the range which they had left running parallel with their route down the valley; ranchería of Libantiliyami; spring of San Jorge, and Alompali (Olompali).

35 Nov. 15th, Sola to Martinez, supposes Arguello and his men have re- turned and are resting. Vallejo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., i. 48. Dec. 24th, Mar- tinez to Guerra, the expedition did not find the strange people, though they went very near Cape Mendocino, the Columbia River, and, according to the Indians, 'very near New Mexico.' Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., v. 255.

HIST. CAL., VOL. II. 29

CHAPTER XXI.

A PROVINCE OF THE MEXICAN EMPIRE. 1822.

NEWS OF INDEPENDENCE AND THE REGENCY-JUNTA OF APRIL 9TH AT MON- TEREY-OATH OF ALLEGIANCE-FIRST PROVINCIAL ELECTION-SOLA AS DIPUTADO TO THE CORTES-EVENTS AND FEARS IN MEXICO-ITURBIDE SENDS A COMISIONADO-THE EMPEROR AGUSTIN I. - ARRIVAL OF THE CANÓNIGO FERNANDEZ IN SEPTEMBER-CHANGE OF FLAG- JUNTA OF OCTOBER-AYUNTAMIENTOS-DIPUTACION-THE CANÓNIGO AT ROSS- PRIESTLY MISHAPS-ELECTION OF GOVERNOR-WIRE-PULLING-ARGUE- LLO DEFEATS GUERRA-LOYALTY OF THE FRIARS-DEPARTURE OF FER- NANDEZ AND SOLA -BIOGRAPHICAL NOTICES-CHARACTER OF SOLA - COMMERCE AND FINANCE-VESSELS-GALE AND THE BOSTON TRADE- MCCULLOCH AND HARTNELL-CAPTURE OF THE 'EAGLE'-FOREIGNERS- MISSION SUPPLIES-INDIAN AFFAIRS-THE SEASON.

ITURBIDE's imperial regency, established in Septem- ber, was not, as we have seen, announced in California before the end of 1821. In January 1822 Governor Sola wrote to Argüello, of Lower California, that he had received from Mexico "such documents as are printed in a country of dreamers, since independence is a dream. Day by day their presses will turn out absurdities by the thousand; but you and I, aware that the immortal, incomparable Spanish nation has many and great resources with which to make herself respected, must look with contempt on such absurd views."1

Sola, with all his loyalty, was no prophet; for there were already on the way from Mexico despatches announcing Iturbide's success, with manifiestos of the

1 Jan. 10, 1822, Sola to Argüello. St. Pap. Sac., MS., vi. 44. The papers referred to were doubtless dated between Iturbide's rising in Feb. and his success in Aug. and Sept. In the letter to which this was an answer Argüello had announced the refusal of his son Gervasio to swear the independence.

( 450 )

451

JUNTA AT MONTEREY.

Soberana Junta de la Regencia del Imperio Mejicano. These despatches, giving it to be understood that Iturbide's rule was to continue only until Fernando or one of his brothers could come to take the throne, and also announcing the future meeting of the Mexi- can córtes,2 were received in March 1822, and on March 16th Sola communicated the news to the commandants, whom he summoned to a junta at Monterey. Pay- eras was requested to be present, representing the in- terests of the missions and neophytes.3 The junta met the 9th of April. It was composed of ten per- sons: The governor, prefect, and Sarria representing the president, captains Guerra of Santa Bárbara and Argüello of San Francisco, lieutenants Estrada of Monterey and Estudillo in place of Captain Ruiz of San Diego, captains Portilla and Navarrete of the Maz- atlan and San Blas companies, and Lieutenant Gomez of the artillery, being also commander of the post of Monterey. Estudillo acted as secretary. Of the discussions, if there were any, we have no record; but the result was a resolution to acquiesce in the regency, to obey the new government, to recognize the dependence of California on the Mexican empire only, and to take the prescribed oath. On April 11th the oath was taken with all due solemnity; first by the members of the junta at Sola's house, and then by the troops in the plaza; then followed religious services in which Padre Payeras preached an appro- priate sermon; and the day was closed with vivas and firing of guns and music and illuminations in honor of independence.4

2 These despatches, dated Oct. 6th and Nov. 18, 1821, from Herrera, the secretary of relations, and from Dominguez, minister of justice, are only known as alluded to in Sola's letters of Mar. 16th. In the secretary's report of Mar. 8, 1822, is a complaint that nothing had yet been heard from California. Mexico, Mem. Relaciones, 1822, 7.

3 Sola to comandantes. Dept. St. Pap., MS., i. 5-6. Same date Id. to Payeras. St. Pap. Sac., MS., xviii. 2-3. Ruiz of San Diego was excused on account of his infirmities. Señan doubtless received a similar notice. In Junta de Fomento de Cal., Dictamen, 3, it is said the orders arrived from Mexico in April.

4 Leg. Rec., MS., i. 1-4. April 14th, Sarria to Senan in Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 508. Estudillo was secretary of the junta. The resolution of the

452

A PROVINCE OF THE MEXICAN EMPIRE.

The oath was taken at Santa Barbara April 13th, probably at San Francisco about the same day, and at San Diego the 20th.5 There is no evidence of any hesitation on the part of officers, soldiers, or civil- ians; neither was there any protest from the friars. The communication in which Payeras made known to the padres the proceedings of the junta, and their consequent duties, is not extant; but I have Sarria's original report to President Señan, in which he an- nounces having taken the oath after much reflection, and "may God grant that all may be for the best."6 The 13th of April Sola formally addressed to both pre- fect and president the acta of the junta for circulation among the padres, who on the day after its receipt must be required to take the oath, together with their neophytes, and forward a certificate of such action.7 It is to be presumed that there was a gen- eral compliance with this order in April and May, such compliance being definitely recorded at some of the missions, and the evidence of hesitation on the friars' part being confined to one or two instances.8

assembly is translated in Randolph's Oration, and mentioned in Tuthill's Hist. Cal., 121-2, with the statement of Boscana that the Indians of San Diego celebrated the independence by burning their chief. The record of the junta and of the proceedings of April 9th and 11th, as in Leg. Rec., i. 1-4, were sent to Mexico by Sola with a letter of April 13th, and were published on Aug. 3d, in the Gaceta del Gobierno Imp. de Mex., iii. 585-7. Vallejo, Hist. Cal., MS., iv. 277-81, and Vallejo (J. J.), Reminiscencias, MS., 78, imply that Sola wished to keep the news of independence a secret to himself, Guerra, and a few other Spaniards; but that the other officers 'interviewed' the mes- senger, learned the news, and insisted that it must be made public.

5 Prov. Rec., MS., xi. 72; Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., liii. 89; lvi. 7-8; Dept. Rec., MS., vi. 43; St. Pap. Sac., MS., xi. 6.

6 Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 508. An incident had much effect in easing the padre's conscience, the receipt by mistake of a communication of the bishop to the president of the Lower California missions ordering the taking of the oath.

7 St. Pap. Sac., MS., xviii. 7; Dept. St. Pap., MS., i. 7.

8 April 21, 1822, the oath taken by padres and neophytes with religious ceremonies at San Juan Bautista, Sta Cruz, and Sta Bárbara. St. Pap. Miss., MS., x. 10; xi. 38; Arch. Sta. B., MS., ix. 128; Arch. Obispado, MS., 89. May 5th, at Soledad, whence Payeras writes, 'Por fortuna acabamos de reconocer a un Emperador tan justo como Cristiano y pio.' Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt. i. 95. May 12th, the oath joyfully taken at San Rafael. Id .; Vallejo, Doc. Ilist. Cal., MS., xxviii. 41. May 16th, at San Buenaventura, as reported by Señan. St. Pap. Sac., MS., xviii. 13. Down to July Padre Escudé seems to have refused the oath, and on that ground to have applied

453

DEPUTY TO THE CORTES.

About the same time, I suppose, there must have ar- rived through the bishop certain orders of the regency calling for public prayers, not only for the success of the new régime, but in honor of the heroes who had died in the struggle for liberty.9 I find, however, no records of such religious services. There also came a letter of the guardian on the deplorable condition of the college, where cavalry had been quartered for a month.1º Truly the prospects of the friars were not cheering, though they wrote but little about their troubles.

Sola had announced in his call for a junta, that California was entitled to send a diputado, or deputy, to the new cortes in Mexico. This matter came up in the junta, after the oath had been taken the 12th of April. The unanimous decision as reported by Sarria11 was

for license to retire; indeed that seems to have been his main object, since on being promised preference in the matter of retirement he swore to independ- ence in the month mentioned. St. Pap. Sac., MS., xviii. 19-20. There was also a slight quarrel with Sarria in May. He announced in church that the sol- diers, having sworn to independence, no longer enjoyed the privilege of eating meat on certain days, a privilege conceded by the pope through the king, and Sola excused them from religious service until the regency could decide the question. Next year, however, the bishop proclaimed that the soldiers were to have the same privileges as under the old government. St. Pap. Sac., MS., xviii. 11-12; Vallejo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., xxviii. 11. Feb. 13th, Señan had written to Guerra, 'May God have mercy on this province which seems at present to lie between Scylla and Charybdis.' Guerra. Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., vi. 93. March 15th, Padre Peyri wrote to the same officer, that of course the missions would be required to acknowledge under oath Mexican independence, but he for one would not do it if he had any hope of being free from persecution in Spain; for the offer of permission to retire seemed to him like the rejoicing at the wedding feasts; and later 'ó por fas ó por nefas, ó por sí ó por no, ó por ... (ya me entiende) siempre la pagará el caido; y pobres de los pobres si llegara á empezar la fandanga. Dios no lo permita y nos asista.' Id., vii. 6-7.

9 S. José, Patentes, MS., 157-9; Arch. Sta B., vi. MS., 310-12. Dated Oct. 7, 1821. A series of circulars from the president seems to have been re- ceived at San Rafael in May, containing not only the decrees referred to but others regulating arms in private hands; forbidding abusive words against the new government, and empowering old authorities to continue in power. Vallejo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., xxviii. 42.

10 Oct. 23, 1821, Gasol to padres. Arch. Sta B., MS., vi. 249-52. The padres were said to be retiring to Spain, and only 29 were left. It was im- possible to do anything for California. The new government seemed bent on upsetting all that was old and stable.

11 April 14th, Sarria to Senan. Arch. Misiones, MS., i. 508-11. He favored, and understood the other padres to favor, the choice of Guerra. Sola was mentioned. as he would require no salary in addition to that of governor; but Sola himself objected to that view of the matter.

454

A PROVINCE OF THE MEXICAN EMPIRE.

that an election should be held; that five provincial electors should be chosen, one for each presidial juris- diction with another for Los Angeles, and that the diputado should receive a salary of $4,000 to be raised by voluntary subscriptions if possible, and otherwise by a pro rata tax.12 On April 17th Sola addressed to the prefect instructions for the election, to be cir- culated among the padres-for at each mission the native alcaldes and regidores, " with the padres' ad- vice," were to choose an elector de partido. Thus in California's first general election the Indians had nomi- nally a voice. Instructions for the presidios and pue- blos I have not found; neither are any records extant of the local elections. The partido electors, however, met at their respective capitals and chose for each a provincial elector ;- Francisco Castro for San Fran- cisco, including San José and Branciforte with four missions; José Aruz for Monterey and six missions; Francisco Ortega for Santa Bárbara and five missions; José Palomares for Los Angeles; and Ignacio Lopez for San Diego and four missions. The five met at Monterey May 21st, with Sola and lieutenants Es- trada, Estudillo, and Gomez, these officers holding seats by what authority I know not, and elected Sola as diputado to the cortes. Guerra had been the choice of the friars. Whether they were out-voted or changed their mind, preferring to take the chance of seeing Guerra governor, there are no means of knowing. 13

12 Sarria says that the salary was to be raised for one year only, and that there was to be a petition that California should be exempt from sending a diputado in future. The salary of $4,000 was to be diminished by the old salary if a military man should be elected. It was regarded as of great im- portance that the diputado should carry clear instructions on mission matters, sent in duplicate to the college. On the very next day, Apr. 13th, Sola is- sued an appeal on the all-essential topic of the $4,000, urging a donativo gra- cioso to obviate a contribucion forzoza; and Apr. 17th Payeras issued a circular to the padres, all of whom promised to give mas o menos. St. Pap., Sac., MS., xviii. 8; Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt. i. 94-5.

13 Sola, Prevenciones sobre Eleccion de Diputado, 1822, MS. Dated Apr. 17th, and addressed to the prefect for the padres. The electores de provincia could neither be military men nor friars. San Gabriel and San Juan were added to Los Angeles as a partido; but in the returns the missions seem to have been classed with San Diego. Form of credentials to electores de partido, in Arch. Stu B., MS., ix. 139-42. Record of the meeting of May 21st with names of

455

FEARS IN MEXICO.

Captain Argüello was elected as diputado suplente, or substitute, for the contingency of accident to the prin- cipal. On June 2d Sola wrote to his cousin in Mcx- ico, announcing his coming and rejoicing in the triumph of independence.1+ Five months it seems had modi- fied his political ideas.

While all went thus smoothly in the north, Cali- fornia making haste to follow Mexico in each successive phase of independence as fast as the news arrived, without the faintest shadow of hesitation or protest; while officers, soldiers, friars, neophytes, and civilians had formally renounced their allegiance to Spain, and became faithful subjects of the new Mexican empire ; while all that was 'royal' had become 'imperial;'15 while not only was the regency fully recognized, but the term emperor somewhat prematurely used; and while the people and provincial authorities were patiently awaiting further instructions as to their duties under the new régime-California was the ob- ject of much suspicion and fear in Mexico. Rather strangely no news had been received about the recep- tion of independence there. The loyalty of the Franciscans to Spain was well known. The wealth of the missions was exaggerated, and it was feared that California might be made by Spaniards a centre, or starting-point, for a reactionary movement.

Under these circumstances it was deemed best to send an agent, or comisionado, of the regency to learn the feeling of the Californians, to 'foment' a spirit of independence, to obtain an oath of allegiance, to raise the new national flag, and in general to superin-

the five electors. Leg. Rec., MS., i. 4-8. Estudillo was secretary. On account of the difficulties and delays of travel between California and Mexico, Sola's powers were extended over two years, probably 1823-4, if the cortes could be induced to sanction such an act. According to Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 221-2, and Vallejo (J. J.), Reminiscencias, MS., 78-9, Argüello and Estudillo had each their friends in the electoral college. Apr. 15, 1822, the 'sovereign congress ' decreed that provinces should be represented therein and fixed the pay of deputics. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., vii. 123-4.

14 St. Pap., Sac., MS., vi. 47. See beginning of this chapter.

15 ' Presidio imperial' in May and June instead of the old form 'presidio real.' Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., liii. 2, 75.

456

A PROVINCE OF THE MEXICAN EMPIRE.

tend the putting in working order the new machin- ery of constitutional government. The mission was regarded as a delicate one requiring high and peculiar abilities, such as were believed by Iturbide with much reason to be possessed by Agustin Fernandez de San Vicente, canónigo, or. canon, of the Durango cathe- dral, who was selected for the position probably in April, on the 13th of which month the San Carlos was ordered to be made ready to carry him to the north. While preparations were being made, Iturbide was proclaimed emperor on May 19th, under the title of Agustin I .; but there are indications that the commission of Fernandez already made out by the regency-that is Iturbide as president of that some- what mythical body-was not replaced by another from Iturbide as emperor,16 an omission that might have had serious results had the mission been as delicate as it was supposed to be.

The commissioner was to proceed first to Loreto, .where no opposition to the new régime was anticipated; and thence by sea to Monterey, respecting the politi- cal attitude of whose inhabitants the greatest appre- hensions were felt, where the utmost precautions were to be taken to keep the San Cúrlos from falling into the hands of foes, and where the canónigo was to find a field for his diplomatic talents. The instructions of Ulloa, comandante at San Blas, to Narvaez, com- mander of the San Carlos, were dated June 9th and the vessel sailed probably on the 13th.17 Let us re- turn to Monterey and await her coming.

16 This, in the paucity of documents, is largely conjectural; but it is to be noted that in the one or two instances in which Fernandez formally named his position, it was as ' Comisionado de S. A. la Regencia del Imperio Meji- cano,' and never as comisionado of the emperor. I suppose the change in commission and instructions was either neglected in the rush of public affairs, or that by some accident the papers failed to reach Fernandez before the day of sailing, and that he preferred to sail without them, deeming the technical informality of less moment than the question of time, especially as the differ- ence between the regency and the empire was microscopic. If this was the case, it may account for the failure of the Canónigo to exhibit his instructions in California, and their absence from the archives.

17 Ulloa, Instrucciones relativas á la comision de Estado & ambas Califor- nias en el bergantin imperial nombrado San Carlos, al mando del teniente de

457

THE CANÓNIGO FERNANDEZ.

While Sola was preparing for a trip to Mexico as deputy, on July 14th the American ship Panther ar- rived at Monterey. She had left San Blas in com- pany with the San Carlos and brought the news both of Iturbide's accession to the throne and of the Canó- nigo's mission. Sola accordingly suspended his de- parture, and at once communicated the news to commandants and friars, with the information that he had received a pattern of the new flag, and a promise from the emperor that all dues to troops and missions should be quickly paid,18 a promise that would have removed all difficulties, had there been any, in the way of Iturbide's recognition. But the Californians were far from suspecting that their allegiance was not known in Mexico, or that Fernandez was coming with any diplomatic views.19

Fernandez, having accomplished his task in Lower California during July and August, arrived at Mon-

navio D. José María Narvaez (1882), in Ilustracion Mexicana, ii. 164-7. This is the most important document extant on the subject in the absence of the instructions to Fernandez himself, which are substantially embodied in it. The date of sailing is said to have been 32 or 23 days before July 15th. Prov. Rec., MS., xi. 73; Arch. Sta B., MS., vi. 229.

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History of California, Volume II, Part 46

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 826

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 826