History of California, Volume II, Part 20

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 826

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As the proposals to separate the political and mili- tary jurisdictions of Upper and Lower California were a leading topic of consideration in the last decade, so the carrying-out of that separation in 1804 was a leading feature of this, so far as affairs of government were concerned.37 But this division involved no change whatever in the civil government of Alta California. Both in 1801 and in 1809 there are indications that California was accorded a right of representation in Spain, but there is no evidence that any steps were

MS., xliv. 2, 3, and agrees very nearly with the summaries given in previous chapters for cach of the four presidios. Humboldt, Essai Pol., ii. 812, gives the total force for about 1804 as 223. In Virreyes, Instrucciones, 185, it is given as 294 for 1803. The increase of force ordered in April 1805 included 3 captains, 2 sergeants, 16 corporals, and 75 privates. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 47-9. The volunteer company left the country in 1803. In 1801 it included 3 officers, 3 sergeants, 8 corporals, 2 drummers, and 55 privates, 71 men in all. Id., Ben. Mil., xxvi. 16; xxxii. 1. The artillery detachment numbered 18, except in 1804, until 1809 when the number is given as 15. Id., x1. 14. Ang. 21, 1807, Lieut. Roca asks for permits for 4 men to go with him to Mexico, to be replaced by others. Only 2 seem to have sailed. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 206, 217. The pay of the new forces was: captain, $1,500; alférez, $400; sergeant, $262.50; corporal, $225; soldier, $217.50. Prov. St. Pap., Ben., MS., ii. 20.

36 See chap. ii., this volume, on the artillery company. José María Romero was a member of the company, and he says he served three years, receiving pay and rations like other soldiers. Romero, Memorias, MS., 1,2. This is the only evidence I have seen to show that any actual service was performed by the militia.

37 See chap. ii., of this volume.

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GOVERNMENT.

taken to utilize that privilege.33 In the matter of local or municipal government, as illustrated by the archives of San Jose, I append in a note a few minor com- munications which as will be seen show no special modifications of system or methods,33 unless it may be in the election of pueblo alcaldes by lot from three candidates.

There were no civil nor criminal cases in the Cali- fornian administration of justice, which merit citation as causes célèbres, though a few may be noted as illus- trating public morals.4º The use of intoxicating liquors

38 Dec. 12, 1801, governor to viceroy, learns that the king allows him to appoint a delegate for the presidios of Alta California. Prov. Rec., MS., x. 13. 1809, decree that the provinces of the American dominions shall have national representation. Id., ix. 116.

39 April 4, 1801, choice of regidor disapproved by commandant, and new election ordered. Monterey Diario, MS., 28. Nov. 6th, the alcalde has not given satisfaction, and an invalid may be chosen. S. José, Arch., MS., v. 19. l'eb. 20, 1802, a vara de justicia may be bought for $2.50. Id., iv. 42. 1802, invalids may be chosen for pueblo officials if they are willing, but they can- not be forced to serve. They must, however, perform their part of com- munity work. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 161; Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 17; S. José, Arch., MS., iv. 39. Jan. 1, 1804, the carrying of 'belduques' or dag- gers in boot or belt prohibited. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 353. Election of town officials at Los Angeles approved by commandant of Santa Barbara. Id., xviii. 370. 1804-5, alcaldes to be chosen by lot from three candidates in public junta. S. José, Arch., MS., iii. 22, 85; v. 3. Dec. 1806, the com- mandant must see how every settler lives and supports his family, correcting him if need be. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 109, 111. Police measures for Angeles, June 21, 1809. No one must go through the town on horseback after 8 P. M., unless he can prove the honesty of his errand. Id., Ben. Mil., xl. 26. 1809, choice of alcalde and regidores disapproved by comandante. Estudillo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., i. 80.

40 1801, sentence of a man for having stabbed Lieut. Sal. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxx. 21. Cost of supporting Indian prisoners in 1802, $693. Id., xxx. 22. Jan. 1803, there were 27 presidiarios at S. Diego, four for mur- der, but most for stealing horses. Id., xxxi. 3, 4. Dec. 4, 1803, Padre Ciprés asks that an Indian murderess be allowed to serve out her time of six years in the mission monjería. Arch. Arzob., MS., ii. 32. 1804, Indian murderer of San Francisco given eight years in chains at S. Diego. Id., xxxiv. 14, 15. Governor proposes torture of a woman who refuses to confess a murder. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 43. 1805, murderer, Ignacio Montes de Oca, sentenced to 10 years' imprisonment for murder of Toniás Matamoras. Id., ix. 60-1. Soldier for violating his step-daughter sentenced to public works, and died in a year working as a tailor in chains. Amador, Mem., MS., 220. 1806, a woman killed her cousin because that cousin reminded her of her dead daughter. As the Indians were always incensed at being reminded of dead friends; as there was no premeditated murder; as the woman was a Christian of only four years' standing; and as she had taken church asylum, Fiscal Ruiz asked that the sentence be six years in shackles. Carlos Antonio Carrillo, then a soldado distinguido, was clerk in this case. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxxvii. 9-11. Indian murder case at San Miguel. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 166-8. Two citizens of Los Angeles on trial for crim. con. with married women and

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INSTITUTIONS AND INDUSTRIES.

and indulgence in gambling propensities caused but little trouble to the authorities in these years so far as the archives show. Let us hope that this may be taken as an indication of sobriety on the part of the people rather than imperfection of the records.41

We have seen that by the exertions of Borica sev- eral schools were established in California before 1800;42 but that in the last years of the past decade the records throw no light on their condition. During the present decade under Arrillaga's rule there is not a word to show that any one of the schools established

for vagrancy. Id., Ben. Mil., xxv. 12. Long investigation by Corporal Cota of an incest case between father and daughter at S. Fernando. Opinion of Fiscal Carrillo, but no sentence. Id., xxxvii. 21-35. A militiaman arrested for a crimen nefando con bestia. S. José, Arch., MS., iii. 78. Inventory of shackles, handcuffs, stocks, fetters, etc., at the seven presidios. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxxvii. 14. 1807, a neophyte petitions the viceroy for 200 lashes and 10 years in irons at San Francisco as a warning to others! He had committed rape. Mont. Co. Arch., MS., i. 1. Case of attempted fornica- tion at Branciforte. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 213-14. Miguel Ortega of S. Francisco sent to Loreto for killing Tomás Prado. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 103, 108. Three neophytes of S. Diego sentenced to six and eight years in presidio for murder. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xxxvi. 8. 1S08, Gomez at S. José, for getting drunk and threatening everybody until Vazquez broke his head in self-defence, sentenced to fasting, with plenty of water, and his head and feet alternately in the stocks two hours each day for a month. S. José, Arch., MS., iii. 83. Higuera to have his head in the stocks for eight days and then his feet until further orders. Id., iii. 76. 1809, murder by neophytes at San Francisco, with some details of criminal proceedings. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., x1. 1-10. Estudillo went down to San Fernando to act as defender of a soldier, who had chosen him. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 261. A soldier given stocks, chains, and sweeping for fornication with an Indian woman. Estudillo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., i. 84. A married woman at Branciforte threatened with exposure, hair-cutting, and imprisonment, if a soldier were found again at her house. Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 19, 20. The penalty that Indians dread most is cxile. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xl. 8. 1810, incest case at Santa Bárbara. Id., xli. 1, 2. Indian murder case at San Diego. Id., xliv. 6.

41 1802, the comandante of Monterey imposed a duty of $6 per barrel of mescal introduced which the governor disapproved, because such an act was beyond a commandant's power, because imports and exports were free of duty, and because mescal could not be admitted at all. Subsequently, how- ever, there came an order from the viceroy favoring the duty, and the $6 was on several occasions paid. This is the only record extant for the decade. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xviii. 213, 308-9; ii. 37; Id., Ben. Mil., xxxiii. 18; Prov. Rec., MS., xi. 139, 181; ix. 24; St. Pap., Sac., MS., vii. 73; S. José, Arch., MS., iii. 78. Aug. 17, 1807, justices must take the names of military men found playing forbidden games, and their chiefs must impose fines, taking one third of their pay until it is settled. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 234.

42 See Hist. Cal., vol. i. chap. xxviii., this series.

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SCHOOLS.

by Borica was still in existence,43 though one or two of them may still have been kept alive in a feeble way.

Thus the pages of this chapter show, respecting Californian institutions and industries, that Borica's efforts had produced hardly a trace of permanent effect. Hemp-culture flourished; the neophytes were perhaps better weavers and mechanics by reason of the teachings of the artisan instructors; some soldiers and settlers had a knowledge of reading and writing gained in the schools; but in the main all had settled back into the old condition of inertia. Arrillaga was a very different man from his predecessor, though the prevalent stagnation should by no means be at- tributed altogether to his neglect.

43 In 1806 the governor stated that five school-masters were needed. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 86-9. Véjar, Recuerdos de un Viejo, MS., 1, 2, says a ser- geant taught school at San Diego about 1810, but there is no certainty about the date.

HIST. CAL., VOL. II. 13

CHAPTER X.

THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD-HARD TIMES. 1811-1817.

THE REVOLUTION IN NEW SPAIN-EFFECT IN CALIFORNIA-FIRM ALLEGIANCE TO THE KING-ARRIVAL OF THE NEWS-NON-ARRIVAL OF THE SUPPLY- VESSEL-CAPTURE OF GUERRA-DEPENDENCE ON FOREIGN VESSELS-THE EARTHQUAKES OF 1812-BEGINNING OF THE LIMA TRADE-A WINDFALL FROM THE 'MERCURY'-DEATH OF ARRILLAGA-ARGUELLO ACTING GOV- ERNOR-SOLA'S APPOINTMENT AND ARRIVAL-FOREIGN POLICY-SUR- RENDER TO THE INEVITABLE-TRADE WITH THE 'COLONEL'-THE INSUR- GENTS COMING-THE 'SAN CARLOS' WITH WAR-STORES AND MEMORIAS OF 1816-SOLA'S REPORT OF 1817-LIMA SHIPS AND TALLOW TRADE- TROUBLE WITH THE FRIARS ABOUT SUPPLIES FROM THE MISSIONS.

THE decade 1811-20 was in New Spain and many other parts of Spanish America a period of strife growing out of the revolution by which the colonies sought to throw off the yoke of Spain. It might seem that a study of this revolution, at least en résumé, should be a necessary element in the history of any Spanish province; yet such is not the case so far as California is concerned. The fact that Mexico was in trouble and either could not or would not aid this dis- tant province with money or supplies was the sum and substance of the rebellion so far as it had effect in California. From a political and military point of view the 'grito de independencia' and the fierce waves of contention that followed it died out in the south nor sent so much as a faint ripple of popular excite- ment to this distant north-western shore. The suc- ceeding phases of the struggle were not even known there.

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195

THE MEXICAN REVOLUTION.

The subject of the revolution was designedly kept quiet in California. Save in an occasional indirect allusion, chiefly in the private correspondence of offi- cers and friars, the archives, both secular and mission- ary, are silent. It would be difficult from the closest study of the Californian records to form any definite idea of what the national trouble was. Yet mail communication was comparatively uninterrupted, and it is hardly possible that the friars and officers were not constantly informed in private letters of the course events were taking in Mexico. All were strong in their allegiance to Spain. There was as yet not the slightest indication of any popular feeling in favor of independence. Nothing could be done to aid the cause of royalty, and it was deemed wise to say noth- ing and await results. The viceroy was cursed again and again for his neglect of California, but that vice- regal authority was endangered was too absurd an idea to be entertained for a moment, in public. When foreign visitors inquired about the troubles in Mex- ico they were told that the rebellion was entirely crushed.

Yet in the one respect in which the revolution made itself felt in the province, it was the all-absorbing topic of the period. That the memorias no longer came, that the soldiers received no pay, were stern facts patent to all, and they furnish the key-note of the decade's annals. There was hardly an official com- munication written during the ten years that did not allude directly or indirectly to the prevalent want and suffering, and the great question of the time for the provincial government was how to devise means for feeding and clothing the troops, all thought of paying wages and salaries being abandoned at an early stage of the struggle. The only resource of the authorities was to obtain mission produce, practically on credit, to be served out in rations and to be traded for cloth- ing and other necessary articles, which were purchased legitimately sometimes from Spanish vessels, but

196

THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD-HARD TIMES.

oftener more or less illegally from the Russians and Americans.1 The situation for the missionaries was a trying one indeed. Not only were they deprived of their stipends and their missions of the articles which those stipends had formerly furnished, but they were, obliged to exchange the mission products, the proceeds of which had also been devoted to the same end, for orders on the royal treasury which they had every reason to fear would never be paid, as indeed they never were; and this too at a time when the frequent visits of vessels to the coast afforded them a better market for their products than there had been before. Yet the friars, more vitally than any other class, were interested in sustaining the cause of royalty, in main- taining the dependence of the province on Mexico, and in keeping California from the grasp of any foreign power. They knew that without a military force the missions could not be sustained, and that by the mis- sions only could the troops be fed and clothed. Their submission to the inevitable was perhaps on the whole as cheerful as could be expected; that they sometimes gave grudgingly, that there were exhibitions of ill- temper, and individual instances of partial revolt against the necessity of giving, is by no means to be wondered at. And after all, if they did have to sup- port the whole province, and notwithstanding their troubles, they were much better off than any other class, and their establishments were in some respects more prosperous than ever. I have no doubt that several of the friars accumulated by their irregular commercial operations large sums of money during this period and a little later. Neither did the settlers suffer seriously save from their own indolence and improvidence. The soldiers had the worst of it, as they had nothing to sell; and what wonder they complained, if not always justly, when they turned

1 The visits of foreign and Spanish vessels are fully described in chrono- logical order in chapters xiii. and xiv. of this volume, and alluded to as needed in this without references.

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NO SUPPLIES.

from contemplating the missions' plenty to look at the rags that meagrely covered the backs of their wives and children. Here, rather than in the old-time con- troversies of Serra, Fages, and Neve, was laid the foundation for the bitter feeling of later years.

Neither the regular supply-ships from San Blas nor any other Spanish craft made their appearance in Cali- forniain 1811. Butin September there came twoletters from Guardian Garijo to the president, dated Febru- ary 20th and April 18th. In these letters the outbreak of Hidalgo's revolt was announced with its rapid prog- ress across the continent. In them was also narrated the capture of the transport on her return from Cali- fornia in the autumn of 1810, with the adventures of fathers Carranza and Santiago, who had been passen- gers on that vessel and had been captured with her. The writer noted with joy the reported success of the royalists, who had slaughtered thousands of insur- gents with slight loss to themselves. He spoke of the recapture of the vessel and the release of the friars, and announced his firm confidence that as God was on the side of the friars victory was certain at an early day. But at the same time he explained the impossibility of sending missionaries or supplies this year, and the uselessness of trying to bring to the viceroy's attention any measures for the good of Cali- fornia. There was nothing for it but to wait.2 Don José de la Guerra was also taken by the insurgents at San Blas, he having sailed in the transport to take the position of habilitado general in Mexico. He was rescued by General Cruz in February 1811, and served

2 Garijo. Cartas del P. Guardian en que da noticia de la Revolucion en Me- jico, 1811, MS. After referring the president to the public papers for particu- lars, Garijo says: 'It is enough to say that God has declared himself on our side, and in all the battles the number of insurgents killed has been infinite.' He announces the death of the archbishop on March 3d. These letters were received Sept. 17th and answered Oct. 4th. In a communication of the guar- dian of Jan. 18, 1819, it is stated that the supplies collected in 1810 (for 1811) in Mexico and charged to California were seized for the Mexican troops and never replaced. Arch. Sta B., MS., iii. 101.

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THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD-HARD TIMES.

for a time at Tepic against the rebels.8 He probably returned to California later in the year, and doubtless had much to say that is not in the records.

Meanwhile Kuskof was making explorations in the region of Bodega in the interests of the Russian company, without, however, coming into contact with the Spaniards. Several Amerian vessels were flitting up and down the coast engaged in taking otter by the aid of Aleut hunters and the contraband trade, but without entering the ports or leaving any record of particular operations in smuggling. The Indians were quiet, if we except some not very well founded alarms at San Gabriel and the attempt of a neophyte cook to poison the minister at San Diego. And finally by way of inland exploration Father Abella made a boat voyage to the lower San Joaquin and Sacramento. These are general statements, for the details of which I refer the reader to other chapters which I have found it necessary to devote to special topics.4

The records of 1812 furnish but a single item to show that the Californians were thinking of the rev- olution. The commandant of San Diego informed the governor that on receipt of the news he had at once strengthened the defences of the port; yet although a 'seditious paper' was found on the shore, the people showed no signs of swerving in their loy- alty.5 Correspondence from Mexico explained that attempts had been made to send the presidial supplies

3 Certificate of Argüello of Aug. 20, 1815, in Guerra, Doc. ITist. Cal., MS., iv. 114-16. May 16, 1811, viceroy's permit to sail from San Blas. Id., vi. 151. 4 These special topics for this decade are: foreign relations and maritime affairs, Indian affairs and exploration, Russian relations, missions and insti- tutions, and local events. Some such subdivision is an absolute necessity in writing provincial history. No two writers and perhaps hardly two readers would agree exactly upon the system best calculated to present the annals of a decade in the clearest possible light. After a careful study of the difficul- ties attending different methods in different cases, I have used my judgment as to the best way of presenting the events of each period, without attempt- ing too rigid an adherence to chronology or any other system, or even to unvarying uniformity of method for successive epochs.

5 June 19, 1812, commandant of San Diego to Arrillaga. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 321. Vallejo, Hist. Cal., i. 108-16, says that many incendiary docu- ments were sent to California from unknown sources.

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DESTITUTION.

to Acapulco, but that they had returned after a nar- row escape from falling into the hands of Morelos' men. The friars learned also that while their sup- plies of groceries for 1811 were lying at San Blas awaiting transportation, there was no money in the treasury to pay mission drafts, of which the síndico had already on hand $14,000. On May 22d, Arri- llaga wrote the first of a long series of letters to the viceroy, in which was depicted the sad condition of the troops, deprived for two years of their supplies.6 And now when want was beginning to make itself felt in earnest, there came a proclamation from the directors of the Russian company at St Petersburg proposing to trade for California products, protesting the most friendly feeling for all that was Spanish, and presenting the proposed barter in an attractive light. This was followed almost immediately by the news that the Russians had actually formed a settlement on California soil near Bodega, confirmed by Gabriel Moraga who was sent to make investigations and learned but little beyond the strangers' desire to trade. The first temptation was bravely resisted by Arri- llaga, for there was no trade this year beyond the limited contraband operations of the otter-hunters .. Éyres in the Mercury was on the coast, and Winship in the Albatross was at Drake Bay and the Fara- llones, as elsewhere recorded; but not a single vessel, national or foreign, entered any of the Spanish ports.

Father Quintana was brutally murdered at Santa Cruz this year by some of his neophytes, and two other friars died; but a company of five missionaries newly arrived from Spain succeeded, after much trouble from the insurgents, in reaching Loreto by water from Acapulco, and thence came up overland, reaching San Diego in July.7

6 Nov. 7th, 21st, Hab. Gen. Ormaechea to Arrillaga. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xliv. 7, 8. July 17th, Procurador Martinez to president. Arch. Sta B., MS., xi. 308-11. May 22d, Arrillaga to viceroy. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 128.

7 Arch. Sta B., MS., iii. 42-5.

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THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD-HARD TIMES.

A series of earthquake shocks, the most fatal if not the most severe that have ever occurred in Cali- fornia, caused this year the wildest terror throughout the southern part of the province.8 1812 was ever after known as "el año de los temblores." The first shock was felt on the morning of December 8th, from San Diego to Purísima.9 It is not quite clear, however, that it was felt at San Diego or San Luis Rey; if so, it did no damage. At San Juan Capistrano a part of the neophytes were at morning mass, it being Sun- day, in their grand temple, the finest structure in California. At the second wave of the temblor the lofty tower fell with a crash on the vaulted roof of masonry, and in a minute the whole mass of stone and mortar came down upon the congregation. The officiating minister escaped by the door of the sac- risty, and six neophytes were saved as by a miracle; but the rest-forty in number according to the official reports, though the mission records show that thirty- nine were buried in the next two days, and perhaps that four more bodies were found later-were crushed to death. No special damage to other buildings is recorded, nor is it probable that the shock was a very severe one, the fall of the church being due chiefly to faulty construction. Nothing is said of any subse- quent shocks, and the church was never rebuilt, an apartment in the adobe buildings being used for religious services thereafter. At San Gabriel the church was badly, cracked, losing the top of its tower. Some images fell from the altar and were broken, and most of the mission buildings were considerably dam- aged. Here the quake came at sunrise. At San Fernando no shock is reported on the 8th, but on the 21st the church received serious damages. For San Buenaventura and Santa Bárbara we have no clearly recorded dates; but if light temblores were felt on the

8.For particulars see the local annals of the various places within the dis- trict indicated, in chap. xvii. of this volume.

" There are vague reports that shocks were also felt in the north at Santa Clara. and other points, but they can be traced to no reliable authority.

201

EARTHQUAKES.

8th, I think no damage was done till the 21st. At San Buenaventura there were three heavy shocks before January 1st, which injured the church so that the tower and much of the facade had to be rebuilt. The whole mission site was thought to settle, and the fear of being ingulfed by the sea drove all to a spot a mile or two away, where they remained until April. At Santa Barbara the buildings of both mis- sion and presidio were damaged by a long series of shocks which began probably on the 21st and lasted for several months. The sea was troubled, new springs of chapapote, or asphaltum, were formed in all direc- tions, the so-called volcano developed new openings, cracks were reported in the sierra, and the people ran away in terror to spend two or three months in the open air. At Santa Inés there were two shocks fif- teen minutes apart, beginning at 10 A. M. on the 21st. The corner of the church came down, as did all the roofs in the mission. At Purísima several slight shocks between 7 and 8 A. M. on the 8th did no harm; but at 10:30 A. M., on the 21st, the earth shook for four minutes so violently that it was difficult to stand. A. brief examination showed the minister that the church walls had been thrown out of plumb; and half an hour after the first there came another more violent shock which brought down the church and nearly all the adobe buildings. Several neophtes were wounded but none killed. A succession of light shocks followed this day and the next, and the work of destruction was completed by the rains that followed and the bursting of the water-works. The mission was subsequently rebuilt on another site.10

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History of California, Volume II, Part 20

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 826

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 826