USA > California > History of California, Volume II > Part 22
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22 June 23, 1816, Sola to commandants at San Francisco and Santa Bárbara. Prov. Rec., MS., xi. 37; Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xlvi. 35-6. June 23d, Sola to padres. Arch. Arcob., MS., iii. pt. i. 55-60; Prov. Rec., MS., xii. 128-30. June 28th, Sola to the prefect. Arch. Sta B., MS., xii. 357-8. June 26th, Guerra to Sola, asks authority to enlist 500 or 600 Indian archers. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xx. 104-5. July 6th, Guerra to the padres calling for the archers and vaqueros. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 129-31. July 6th, Id. to Id., has brought in the guns from the missions. Approves of red-hot balls, but nobody knows how to manage them. Id., xx. 111. June 25th, Ar- güello to Sola, asks for ammunition. Will call in the militia from San José. Id., xx. 2, 3. July 6th, Ruiz to Sola, has plenty of ammunition and will keep a close watch. Id., xx. 118. Nov. 15th, Ruiz has sent home the militia sufficiently instructed. Id., xx. 124. Aug. 26th, Sola orders Guerra also to send home the militia. Id., Ben. Mil., xlvii. 9. July 7th, Padre Escudé has sent 12 vaqueros to San Francisco and at Santa Cruz, 'no hay un perro que se pueda ver de la mar.' Arch. Arzob., MS., iii. pt. i. 100-1.
23 The stores included S guns of 8 lbs. calibre with 800 balls; 100 English muskets with bayonets; 20 cases of powder, 3,000 lbs .; 1,000 flints, 20.000 ounce musket-balls, 20,000 cartridges. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xx. 133; Dept. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., lxxxvii. 61-2. An officer had been promised with the ammunition. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 153.
24 March 5, 1816, Sola to viceroy on the pitiable condition of the troops and families. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 138. April 16th, viceroy has heard the complaints of want resulting from the non arrival of the memorias. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xx. 5. June 21st, Argüello from San Francisco to Sola, begs for drygoods since he and his family are suffering. Id., xx. 103. June 29th, Guerra says his men are suffering for clothing. Id., xx. 108. Prevalent want this year mentioned in Kotzebue's Voy., i. 285-6; iii. 42-3. Chamisso Werke, iii. 130-1; and nearly all MS. statements of the epoch.
213
RELIEF BY SEA.
attention was given exclusively to the subject of ter- ritorial encroachment, and not at all to the more vital one of commerce. Two American vessels, the Lydia and Albatross, were at El Refugio at the beginning of the year, the former being captured by the Span- iards; but, while the friars had doubtless obtained some contraband supplies from those vessels, the seizure was of no advantage to the government or troops, because no proof of smuggling could be ad- duced, and the prize had to be released. The Columbia yielded a small harvest; but the records do not show whether or not anything was obtained from the Amer- ican vessels Sultana and Atala which touched at Mon- terey and Santa Barbara in August and November. The missions were of course the main source of relief, and the friars contributed for the most part cheer- fully, though rarely without a prefatory plea of por- erty. 25 Meanwhile after much correspondence from the authorities in Mexico goods amounting to $34,840 were at last shipped from Acapulco and brought to Monterey on the San Carlos with the war-stores already mentioned, but in such a damaged condition as to afford but little relief.26 Alférez Gervasio Ar-
25 In January the prefect sent a circular to the padres of the central mis- sions, calling for cloths for the presidio of Monterey. Each friar promises to do his best, after various excuses of scarcity. Arch. Arzob., MS., iii. pt. i. 7-10; also many scattered communications of minor importance on similar topics. Id., passim. March 11th, Payeras of Purísima to Guerra, enumerates the sacrifices already made by the missions for the troops, but says all that is possible will still be done for the support of prisoners, etc. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., v. 16. April 22d, the same padre offers one sheep per week to the lieutenant, 10 per year to the alférez, and 8 to the sergeants. Id., v. 17, 18. June 28th, Sola to prefect. Wants 1,000 deer-skins and hemp-thread to make breeches for the soldiers; also 30 mule outfits and 50 loads of sacks. Arch Sta B., MS., xii. 358. July 6th, prefect to padres on the same subject. Calf-skins would answer the purpose. Id., xii. 356-7. Sept. 20th, Sola writes to Jaime of Soledad, 'Si hubiera sabido los muchos y malos ratos que está pasando, por las presentes miserias y otras cosas con que se ha encontrado, esta provincia, ni el vireinato de N.E. que me hubieren ofrecido dar habria admitido.' Arch. Arzob., MS., iii. pt. i. 110. Nov. 10th, Señan writes to Guerra about the manufacture of lance-heads at the missions. Guerra, Doc. IIist. Cal., MS., ii. 150.
26 Dec. 30, 1815, April 16, 1816, viceroy notifies the governor that the memorias are detained at Acapulco. Orders to be sent to the intendente of Guadalajara. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 384; xx. 5. Aug. 24th, viceroy says the San Carlos has orders to bring the memorias. Id., xx. 22. July 16th,
214
THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD-HARD TIMES.
güello seems to have sailed on this transport to assume the position of habilitado general in November. Dur- ing the last half of the year some reassuring promises were made about supplies in the future, and the head- quarters of the department were for a time transferred to Guadalajara without anything practical being ef- focted.27
At the beginning of 1817 Sola made a general report on the condition of California, with particular reference to its capabilities for defence. While urging the impossibility of dislodging the Russian intruders without large reinforcements, he explained that the presidial cavalry companies not only were barely suf- ficient for the protection of the missions, but that by their long experience in the peculiar tactics of Indian warfare the troops were unfitted for effective service against a foreign foe armed with weapons more deadly than bows and arrows. The artillerymen at the presidios were few, disabled, and unskilful; the guns were defective, and munitions were wanting. For coast service against the Russians or any other for- eign foe, a new force of infantry and artillery, with new guns and a new supply of war-stores, was abso- lutely necessary, while an armed vessel to remain on the coast as a cruiser and transport was hardly less essential. The Anglo-Americans who for years had frequented the coasts, had acquired, said Sola, a knowledge of the country, both of its natural richness and its defenceless condition. That their purpose was not as pretended merely to obtain supplies was well known, and it was to be feared that smuggling even was not their only aim. They came well armed, kept
Moran from Mexico says the stores will probably reach California in a fit condition to be thrown into the sea. Guerra, Doc. Ilist. C'al., MS., vi. 116. Arrival and amount of the invoice. Prov. St. Pap., Ben. Mil., MS., xlvi. 29. Their damaged condition, according to Sola and Lieut. Estrada. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 153-4; Guerra, Doc. Hist. Mex., MS., vii. 76.
27 Oct. 1815, Nov. 6, 1816, orders to be sent to Guadalajara. Pror. St. Pap., MS., xix. 371; xx. Nov. 21st, Com. Gen. of Nueva Galicia to aid. Id., xx. 23. Dec. 10th, better prospects. Id., xx. 130. Dec. 30th, Guerra complains of the Guadalajara change. Id., xx. 119.
215
SOLA'S REPORT.
away from the presidios, frequented the smaller bays, landed with impunity, and came into contact with the people. The Indians naturally could not be counted on to give their lives in defence of a people whom they charged with having deprived them of their lib- erty. They could casily be bought from their alle- giance and the strangers were very free with their beads. Yet Spain could by no means afford to aban- don the province, which, to say nothing of its own intrinsic value and the duty of maintaining so grand a spiritual conquest, was an especially important pos- session just at this time as a commercial frontier bar- rier to keep the scheming and aggressive English and Russians from interfering in the trade of New Spain.
Sola appended to this report his views on the agri- cultural and commercial resources of California and on the measures necessary for their profitable develop- ment, among which the most essential in his opinion were the introduction of five hundred Spanish fami- lies, the opening of the long-closed Colorado River route, and the furnishing of at least two ships to carry away the produce of the country. Regretting that he had not the talent to devise ways and means to settle and protect the province confided to him without imposing expense on the royal treasury, the governor concluded by insisting that, while expensive fortifications would be useless, two hundred infantry- men, four field-pieces with men skilled in their use, and an armed cruiser were absolutely necessary not only for the expulsion of the Russians but for the safety of the province. 23 Subsequently he made a tour of inspection, visiting all the presidios and missions to acquaint himself more thoroughly with their needs.
Three vessels, the San Antonio and Hermosa Mexi- cana from Lima and the Cazadora from Panamá, came this year to exchange their cargoes of goods for Califor- nian tallow. The governor made a requisition on the
28 Sola, Informe General al Virey sobre Defensas de la California, 1807, MS. Dated Monterey, Jan. 2, 1817.
216
THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD-HARD TIMES.
missions for tallow or money and thus secured a fair portion of the goods for his soldiers. He also held out the danger of attack from the South American insurgents as an incentive to get rid of the large amount of tallow on the coast.29 The duties on exports and imports imposed by Sola not only proved an item worth consideration under the circumstances, but it obliged the pueblos, of which we hear very little in these days, to contribute a slight amount toward the support of the soldiers. From Captain Wilcox of the American Traveller about $1,400 in cash and cloth, perhaps much more, was obtained. Russian trade was also reopened after a temporary interruption of one year. Padushkin in the Chirikof came to San Francisco and Monterey in the spring; and although Sola would give no formal consent to barter, refused permission to hunt otter in partnership, and insisted peremptorily on the abandonment of Ross-yet all the same the Chirikof's cargo was in one way or another traded for grain and meat. In the autumn Hage- meister in the Kutuzof came down to San Francisco, and Sola made an effort to purchase the cargo to the amount of $25,000 or $30,000 with drafts on Guada- lajara,30 but the Russian commander declined such doubtful securities. Then Hagemeister offered to sell the goods and take his pay in otters to be caught then and there, which terms Sola would not accept; yet now as before the Kutuzof carried away produc in place of the effects she brought.
29 Aug. 26, 1817, Firmin de Genoa y Aguirre to Sola, agrees to pay the duties established on goods urgently needed for the troops. Is ever ready to serve the king. Places at the governor's disposal his whole cargo-that of the Hermosa Mexicana. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xx. 154-5. Sola obtained cloths for the troops to the amount of $8,000. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., ix. 1-3, 6, 7. Sola's decree of Aug. 19th calling for import duties equal to those of export as shown by the vessel's register; and fixing the export duty of tallow at 18 cents per arroba, the duty on other produce to be fixed by Lieut. Estrada. S. José, Arch., MS., i. 26; Sta Cruz, Arch., MS., 44. Aug. 23d, Sola from San Diego, explaining that the insurgent operations in Chili would open a market for California tallow. Prov. Rec., MS., xi. 49; Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 244.
30 Sola to Argüello. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xx. 210-11. See also the chapter on Russian relations for this decade.
217
MISSION CONTRIBUTIONS.
While supplies were thus abundant in comparison with those of the preceding year, complaints of desti- tution continued and from Mexico no relief was ob- tained. 31 The missions were of course heavily taxed, and still furnished food and such other supplies as they had; but this year for the first time manifesta- tions of ill-feeling appear on the part of the friars. It is evident that the extent or manner of Sola's demands gave offence, the dissatisfaction first appearing in con- nection with the call for a ton of tallow for each pre- sidio to be traded for the cargoes of the Lima ships and for the benefit of the troops. Prefect Sarria refused to contribute so much and after a rather bitter correspondence Sola was obliged to reduce his demands far below the original figure, and the amount finally levied on the missions seems to have been $2,800 in cash or its equivalent in tallow.32
31 Feb. 26, 1817, Sola advised from Mexico by a friend that an active and efficient agent is much needed to agitate California interests. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xx. 151. Guerra complains of the great poverty of the inhabitants of his district. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 73. June 4th, Sola to Gen. Cruz, his heart bleeds for the indigence and suffering of officers, men, and families, to cover whose nakedness he had already given away nearly all his own clothing. Not $100 to be borrowed in the province. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xx. 148, 150. June 28th, private letters to Sola from Tepic, the invoice of goods ordered has not been sent, because the merchants of New Galicia will not venture unless with a certainty of large returns. Id., xx. 173. Aug. 14th, Gervasio Argüello to Sola from Guadalajara, says he makes daily appeals to treasury officials, viceroy, general and intendente; but no attention is paid to his claims. There is great want in Mexico, and no likelihood of obtaining relief for California unless great influence is brought to bear on the V. R. Id., xx. 188-92. Aug. 19th, Sola to Guerra speaks of more encouraging prospects. The habilitado general has received a little money. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 244. Oct. Sth, Arguello says the V. R. has ordered the treasury officials to relieve California, but nothing has been done. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xx. 194-5. Dec. Sth, Wilcox says at the time of his visit at Monterey 'the most of the troops and other inhabitants could not attend mass for want of clothing; and the padres had neither wearing apparel, ornaments for the churches, nor implements to till the soil.' Id., xx. 168-9.
32 Sarria's first reply was an offer of $4,000 or 4,000 arrobas of tallow, free from duties. Sola offered then to take 6,000 arrobas and $4,000 in cash. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 249; Arch. Sta B., MS., vi. 61-3. Sept. 23d, Sarría by circular calls for contributions as follows-given in full as an illustration of the comparative resources of the different establishments: San Francisco, Santa Clara, San José, Santa Cruz (?), San Carlos, Soledad, San Antonio, and San Diego, $50 each; San Juan Bautista, San Miguel, Santa Bárbara, San Luis Rey, $100 each; San Fernando, $150; San Luis Obispo and Santa Inés, $200 each; Purísima, $300; San Juan Capistrano, $350; San Buenaventura and San Gabriel, $400 each. Arch. Sta B., MS., ix. 267-12. Later in the year the governor called for cloth, serapes, and blankets, and the
218
THE REVOLUTIONARY PERIOD-HARD TIMES.
In a communication of August 24th, Sarria de- clared that the destitution was by no means as great as in past years when the supplies failed to come; that the missions were disposed to do all they could for the troops; that the governor's information to the effect that the missions could export 100,000 arrobas of tallow was inaccurate, though it might be true that Cavenecia had by extraordinary exertions obtained 30,000 arrobas; and finally that consolation and relief were coming "in the news that the insurrection by which the face of the world was threatened was already drawing its last breath.""3 Writing to Guerra on this subject Sola said: "I had to write to the padre pre- fecto a second time, and pretty plainly because he, wishing to play the part of a good bull-fighter, thought he could get the best of me by holding out the hope that after the missions had supplied themselves with such goods as they fancied, they would give something for the troops, as they did in the time of Arrillaga. But that kind of thing did not please me, and I told him very plainly that the neophytes had no use for such goods as were offered." 34 A little later Sarria, Amorós, Duran, Viader, and Marquinez protested against the attempt to collect any export duty or any tax on mission produce. Sarría reminded the governor of a decree of excommunication against any who com- mitted so sacrilegious an act. Amorós declared that vessels ought to be thanked for coming, not taxed, hinting mysteriously at the prevalent popular excite- ment and the need of precaution on the part of the authorities, while Duran proposed to appeal the matter to the supreme government.35
missions from San Juan Bautista to San Luis Obispo gave 600 varas of jerga, 380 blankets, and 105 serapes. Id., ix. 204-6.
33 Aug. 24, 1817, Sarria to Sola. Arch. Arzob., MS., iii., pt. ii. 12-16. Father Martinez writes to Sola in sending some blankets: 'si quiere Vd que vayan de balde, para mi es lo mismo porque este comercio de California engorda poco y á mi menos que no soy mas que apoderado.' Id., iii., pt. i. 149. In another letter Sarria alludes to the fact that the presidios owe the missions a great deal of money for supplies, although the king has declared that nothing must be taken from the Indians without immediate payment. Arch. Sta B., MS., iii. 88.
31 Aug. 23, 1817, Sola to Guerra. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 244-8. 35 Protesta de los Padres contra Gabclas, 1817, MS.
219
LOYALTY OF THE PADRES.
Not much was said, or at least written, about the revolution during these days. Father Martinez wrote often to Sola in a jocular view, always ready to con- tribute anything he had, especially money, which he said the neophytes could not eat; sending supplies not as a loan but as a gift, " that all the world may know that here we attend to public necessities with proper integrity." He was more or less disgusted with prospects in general, but he was convinced that " now is the time to cat well while we can and the country is full of fat cattle." Señan called on God to pardon and save the misguided insurgents of New Spain and South America, who without divine inter- ference were sure to ruin all and be ruined. The good news alluded to by Sarria seems to have been derived from a number of the Gaceta de Mexico which was widely circulated among the friars greatly to their comfort. The prefecto points with pride to the fact that California had remained true to the king, and that by the efforts of friars and government perfect peace had been maintained. Evidently the impression was prevalent that the rebellion was drawing near its end.36 Some time in 1817 there was probably received in California the pastoral address of the newly ap- pointed commissary general of the Franciscan order in the Indies, addressed to all the friars in America, and dated at Madrid, August 28, 1816. This document was in substance an appeal to the friars to remain firm in their loyalty to the king; and there were none certainly in California who were likely to waver in their allegiance.37
36 Nov. 5, 1817, Arch. Arzob., MS., iii. pt. i. G1, 111-15, 148; iii. pt. ii. 12, 15; Arch. Sta B., MS., iii. 78.
37 Bestard, Pastoral del Comisario General de Indias á sus Súbditos AS de Agosto 1816, MS.
CHAPTER XI.
BOUCHARD AND THE INSURGENTS.
1818.
EL AÑO DE LOS INSURGENTES-THE REVOLUTION IN SOUTH AMERICA-THE LIMA SHIPS -GYZELAAR'S WARNING-SOLA'S INSTRUCTIONS-PREPARATIONS FOR DEFENCE-BOUCHARD'S ARRIVAL-THE 'ARGENTINA' AND 'SANTA ROSA'-A RUSSIAN STORY -AUTHORITIES-ATTACK ON MONTEREY- ARTILLERY BATTLE-VALLEJO AND HIS BATTERY-SOLA'S RETREAT TO RANCHO DEL REY-THE PRESIDIO BURNED-THE PIRATES AT EL RE- FUGIO-PRISONERS TAKEN-AT SANTA BÁRBARA-AN INSURGENT TRICK -- ALARM AT SAN BUENAVENTURA-BOUCHARD LANDS AT SAN JUAN CAPIS- TRANO-DESERTERS-FRIARS AND SANTIAGO ARGÜELLO-THE TUMULT AT SANTA CRUZ-DEPARTURE OF THE PIRATES-RESULTS AND CONCLUSIONS.
" EL año de los insurgentes," 1818, was a memo- rable year in the annals of California, being the only occasion on which the province was ever invaded by a foreign foe before the exploit of Commodore Jones in 1842. The operations of the insurgent Cap- tain Bouchard, more commonly known to Califor- nians as "the pirate Buchar," although involving the only manifestation in California, from a military point of view, of the great struggle of Spanish America for independence, and the destruction of the provincial capital, have received from modern writers only bare and inaccurate mention by a few, being entirely omitted by most.1
1 The strength of the fort 'may be judged of from its having been taken by a small party of seamen, who landed from a Buenos Ayrean pirate in 1819, destroyed the greater part of the guns, and pillaged and burnt the town.' Beecher's Voyage, ii. S6. 'En el año de 819 tambien fue invadido Monterey por una escuadrilla argentina al mando de un tal Buchár.' Castañares, Coloc- cion de Doc., 41. ' En 1819, un pirate, portant le pavillon des insurgés de Buenos-Ayres, canonna le Presidio, et ayant débarqué du monde, s'empara de quelques bœufs dont il avait besoin pour son équipage.' Mofras, Explor.,
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221
REVOLUTION IN SOUTH AMERICA.
The revolutionary movement on the western coast of South America, as in New Spain, began in 1810. The struggles of the following ten years and more have never been recorded sufficiently in detail to throw light on the one or two points affecting the story I have to tell. Neither is it necessary for my purpose to relate even in general terms the revolu- tionary annals of those southern provinces. It is enough to explain that the Pacific provinces derived important aid from those on the Atlantic, and espe- ially from Buenos Aires; that General José de San Martin came across the cordillera in 1817 with an army to fight for the independence of Chili; and that for a year or two before and after that date many of the privateers cruising on the coast sailed under the Buenos Aires flag. These vessels seem to have car- ried letters of marque regularly issued by San Mar- tin. Their rights as privateers and insurgents were generally admitted by the nations, and it was only the popular voice in provinces attacked that termed them pirates, though it must be admitted that their
i. 401. '1818-19, great excitement about this time concerning the expected visit of Bouchard, the Buenos-Ayres privateer, who afterwards plundcred Monterey and scared Santa Barbara to death.' Browne's L. Cal., 74. 'Bou- chard, the privateersman, ruins the Presidio of Monterey and the Rancho Refugio of Ortega near Santa Bárbara, in December 1818.' Taylor, in Cal. Farmer, March 21, 1862. 'One day in 1818 a vessel was seen approaching the town of Monterey. As she came nearer she was seen to be armed, and her decks swarming with men, and she flew some unknown flag. Arriving within gunshot she opened fire upon the town, and her fire was answered from the battery, while the lancers stood ready to repel a landing if it should be attempted, or cover the retreat of their families in case their effort at repulse should be unsuccessful, for Spain was at peace with every maritime nation, and the traditions of the atrocities committed by the Buccaneers at the end of the 17th century on the Spanish main were familiar to the people. After some firing the strange vessel appeared to be injured by the fire from the bat- tery, and bore away, and disappeared. The alarm spread along the coast as fast as swift riders could carry it, and all the troops at every point were ordered to be on the alert. The strange craft next appeared off the Ortega ranch and landed some men, who while plundering the ranch were surprised by some soldiers from Santa Barbara, and before they could regain their boats some four or five were captured. She next appeared off San Luis Capistrana, landed and plundered the mission and sailed away, and never was heard of more. All that is known of her is that she was a Buenos Ayrean privateer, and that her captain was a Frenchman named Bouchard.' Foster's First American in Los Angeles. How inaccurate the information quoted is may be judged from the following pages.
BOUCHARD AND THE INSURGENTS.
acts in more than one instance afforded foundation for the less flattering epithet.
The Buenos Aires vessels, by blockading Callao and the Chilian ports, kept the tallow-traders away from California in 1816, and there came a letter from Cavenecia of Lima explaining the reason of the non- arrival of the ships.2 Not only this, but there came in June despatches from the peninsula and Mazatlan, with a warning that the privateers were likely to visit the northern coasts. I suppose there was no special foundation for such a warning at the time; but we have seen what a flurry it created in Cali- fornia, and what preparations were made for defence.3 Next year the Lima ships came again, and the news was probably reassuring, since we find no record of further alarm. In fact the blockade of the ports of Chili was regarded as a benefit to California by fur- nishing an improved market for her tallow. Roque- feuil on his arrival from the south in the autumn of 1817 could have given reports somewhat less favor- able perhaps, but there is no evidence that he did so.4
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