History of California, Volume II, Part 67

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 826

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638

ROSS AND THE RUSSIANS.

grain to rust. Gophers, squirrels, and mice were troublesome pests. Tillable soil was only to be found in small spots difficult of access. Wild oats sprang up in the old fields, which were, moreover, exhausted by constant cropping. True there were broad and fertile grain-lands in the interior, the occupation of which the Spanish Californians could not have prevented as the Russians well knew; but to have occupied those lands against the will of their neighbors would have endangered the profits of the Californian trade, espe- cially after 1823. Besides, there was another reason for agricultural failure in the stupidity and ignorance of both Russians and Aleuts, who were perhaps the worst farmers in the world. Each farmed in his own way, which was, if possible, a little worse than that of another, so far as we may judge from results and from frequent complaints. They accomplished very little, as had to be admitted, even in comparison with the neophytes. The yield of wheat on an average was only five fold, and of barley the same. Ten fold was the highest result in any one year. The officers were discouraged before 1830, but efforts were kept up with irregular results until the end. Vegetables and fruits did better than grain, but only small quantities of the product were ever utilized for exportation to Sitka.

Stock-raising proved hardly more profitable, in pro- portion to what was expected of it, than agriculture, owing to the lack of pasturage near the fort, and the impossibility of herding the cattle effectually on the vast ranges over which they strayed during half the year.9 A considerable quantity, however, of salt beef,

Gorgy's rancho. Belcher, Voyage, i. 313-16, in 1837 mentioned a rancho between Ross and Bodega, claimed by a ci-divant Englishman (D. Gorgy?), yielding 3,000 bushels in good years. Bidwell, Recollections, 94-6, mentions D. George's vineyard in 1841, and also 100 apple trees, and 40 or 50 vines at the fort.

9 Horned cattle were about 60 in 1817, 180 in 1821, 520 in 1829, 720 in 1833, and 1,700 in 1841; horses increased from 10 in 1817 to 250 in 1829, 415 in 1833, and 900 in 1841; there were 160 sheep in 1817, 800 in 1822, 614 in 1829, 605 in 1833, and 900 in 1841; and swine numbered 124 in 1821 and 106 in 1829. Between 1822 and 1823 there seems to have been a set-back in all kinds of live-stock. The flesh of swine was spoiled by their feeding on mus-

639

MANUFACTURES AND SHIP-BUILDING.

butter, and leather was sent every year to Sitka after domestic wants had been supplied; and at the last the company had about 2,000 cattle, 1,000 horses and mules, and 1,000 sheep to sell with the establishment. The first live-stock was obtained from Californians, not without some difficulty in the case of breeding- animals, which, as there is some reason to suppose, were secured through the aid of the Indians.

There was hardly any article of wood, iron, or leather which the mechanics of Ross in the carly years could not make of a quality sufficiently good for the California market, and to the very last they received frequent applications from the Spaniards. But in the later years many minor articles were more cheaply obtained from American and English traders. Several boats were built for Spanish officers or friars. Timber and tiles were not only sent south, but north, and even in some instances to the Sandwich Islands. Pine pitch was also sent to Sitka in considerable quantities, in barrels which, like those for meat and other exports, were made by the Ross coopers. All these industries were of course by reason of the lim- ited market more useful than profitable.

Again, ship-building, an industry for which the abundance of timber in the vicinity seemed to promise great results, proved in the end only an expensive failure. The wood, not well fitted perhaps for the purpose in the first place, was not properly seasoned before being used, and the workmen had not suffi- cient skill or experience. In vain redwood, pine,

sels and sea-lion meat. There were about 50 mules in 1841. A few horses, but chiefly oxen, were used for work. Many cattle were killed by bears and Indians. Bulls used to come in to the fort with lacerated flesh and bloody horns after encounters with bears. In the last 15 years 216,000 lbs. of salt beef and 17,000 lbs. of butter were sent to Sitka. Very little tallow was saved, as the cattle were not killed when fat. Butter brought about 30 cents per lb. in Sitka. Excellent leather was tanned and exported. Of the wool very little use was made, since weaving was not successful. The total prod- uct in good years of cattle and sheep was valued at 8,000 rubles. See Khleb- nikof, Zapiski, 153-6; Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., i. 356-7; Golornin, Foy., 118; Potechin, Selenie Ross, 14-15; Zaralishin, Delo o Kol., 24-3; Ross, Propuesta de Venta, MS .; Bidwell's Recollections, MS., 82-5; Duhaut-Cilly, Viaggio, ii. 177-9.

640

ROSS AND THE RUSSIANS.

oak, and laurel were put to the test; the vessels built never lasted more than six years, and were in a bad condition long before that time had elapsed; so that in the end it was found cheaper to buy ships of the Americans than to build them at Ross. Yet four vessels of respectable dimensions were there con- structed and launched before 1824, and three of them, the Buldukof, Volga, and Kiakhta, the reader meets more than once in the southern ports.1º I have thought it best to present here a list of the Russian authori- ties consulted in my chapters on the Ross settlement, with bibliographical notes, which are very brief be- cause most of the works, treating in general of the Russian American colonies and referring only inci- dentally to Ross, receive more extensive description in connection with the History of Alaska, and also because the character of the different works is largely indicated, so far as they affect California, in notes and citations scattered through the four chapters devoted to the present subject.11

10 The schooner Roumiantzof, 160 tons, was begun in 1816 and launched in ISIS. It cost 20,212 rubles, besides labor, sailed in 1819, and was useless in 1823. The brig Buldukof, 200 tons, was begun in 1819, copper-bottomed and launched in 1820; cost, first and last, 80,000 rubles; and was in use only until 1826, except to be anchored as a store-ship. These two vessels were built chiefly of oak; but the later ones of pine and cedar (redwood?). The Volga, 160 tons, was begun in 1821, launched in 1822; cost 36,189 rubles; and in 1827 was unseaworthy. Finally the Kiakhta, 200 tons, was begun in 1823, launched in 1824; cost 35,248 rubles; and was in use after 1830. Besides the four vessels named several boats were built both for home use and for sale to the Spaniards. Khlebnikof, Zapiski, 149-50; Tikhménef, Istor. Obos., i. 209, 350. Khlébnikof says the only advantage derived from ship-building was a degree of respect from their shiftless neighbors, who wondered at such incom- prehensible activity. Argüello in 1816, Observaciones, MS., 27, reported that a brig was being built at Bodega of 24 varas keel. Payeras in 1822, Noticias, MS., 420, reported that three brigs had been built and timber was being pre- pared for others. Vallejo in 1833, Informe Reservado, MS., 105-7, learned that four of the 12 vessels employed in the company's trade had been built at Ross. Khlébnikof, Zapiski, 148-9, says that in 1823 an old boat built in Kus- kof's time, was sold to Comandante Martinez for 12 fan. of wheat; in 1826 a boat was built for $1,200 for S. Francisco Mission; and in 1827 a barge for Mission S. José at $1,500.

11 Tikhmenef, Istoricheskoie Obosranie, etc .- Historical review of the origin of the Russian American Company, and its doings up to the present time- St Petersburg, 1862-3, 2 vols. The work is official and exhaustive, giving in an appendix many original documents relating to Ross as well as to the other establishments.

Materialui dhlia Istoriy Russkikh Tasselenig, etc .- Material for the history of the Russian settlements on the shores of the eastern ocean-St Petersburg,

641

CHRONOLOGIC RECORD.

Having thus presented a general view of Ross and its industries I return to the chronologie record of 1821-30. At the end of the last decade, as we have seen,12 the company had expressed its willingness to abandon not only its claim of Russian title to lands in California, a claim but lately and rather feebly urged for temporary purposes, but even the settlement at Ross, in return for unrestricted trade with the Span- iards in Californian ports. In ordinary times Spain would probably not have paid much attention to such a proposition, and that it is not heard of again in the tur- moil of the following years is not to be wondered at. It would seem that in the troublous times of the revo- lution, Russia, had she cared to do so, might without

1861. A collection of papers originally published in the Morsksoi Sbornik, the organ of the Russian Naval Department. The most important of the docu- ments are Khlébnikof's letters on America, Khlebnikof, Zapiski, which, and especially the second part, contain a very large amount of minute and reliable information respecting Ross. Other papers that have been used to some ex- tent are Golornin, Voyage, 1818, and Lütke, Narrative, 1826-9.

Baranof, Shizneopissanie-Biography of Alex. A. Baránof, chief manager of the Russian colonies in America-St Petersburg, 1835. This work forms a very complete history of the American colonies from 1790 to 1818, including the early annals of Ross. It was written by Kyril Khlebnikof, author of the letters already referred to, who made several visits in person to California, and held a prominent position in the company.

Pinart, Documents on Russian America. This is a collection made at St Petersburg by M. Alphonse Pinart, the well known traveller and linguist, who kindly permitted me to copy them and thus profit by his labors. The follow- ing I have found useful in connection with Ross annals: Etholin's Letter to the Chief Administration of the Company about the Ross Colony, dated Sept. 9, 1841, on the preparations for abandoning the establishment; Rotchef's Deed of Ross to Sutter, Dec. 12, 1841, contained in a letter by Capt. Etholin; Russ, Am. Fur Co., Accounts 1847-50, with information about Sutter's payments; and particularly, Potechin, Selenie Ross-Settlement of Ross-a very valuable paper printed in the Journal of the Department of Manufactures and Trade. October 1859, vol. viii. It is a complete and interesting account of the history of Ross and of the relations between Russia and Spain concerning that colony.

Zaralishin, Delo o Koloniy Ross-Affairs of the Ross Colony, by W. Zava- lishin-Moscow, 1866. This work is a dissertation on Russian policy and rights at Ross rather than a history or description of the colony; yet many historical events are narrated, and numerous extracts from colonial records are given. The author is emphatic in defence of the Russian claim to New Albion as will be seen elsewhere. In 1824 he was engaged in some negotia- tions with the Californian authorities for the cession of the country north of San Francisco Bay. He has an exalted idea respecting the wisdom of his own views, and is fond of reminding us that had these been adopted all would have gone well. As it is, he criticises the vacillating policy of Russia, ridicules the presumptuous claims of Spain and Mexico, and is especially bitter against American settlers on the Pacific.

12 See chapter xiv. of this volume.

HIST. CAL., VOL. II. 41

642

ROSS AND THE RUSSIANS.

much difficulty have obtained from Spain on easy terms some concessions in this far north-west which would have been of considerable value; but it is certain that the Russian government never pretended to have, and never tried seriously to obtain, any territorial rights whatever in California. Duflot de Mofras notes that in the imperial oukaz of September 4, 1821, forbid- ding foreigners to encroach on the Russian possessions in America, no mention is made of Ross.13 Yet the feel- ing in Mexico is indicated by the report of a high official to Iturbide in October 1821, that the Russians were in California "perhaps under some secret agreement with the government of Spain."14 Three of the company's trading vessels, the Golovnin, Kutúsof, and Buldákof, were sent to the southern ports this year, one of them bringing vaccine matter, probably the first ever used successfully in California, to Monterey in July. Two Russian frigates, the Minerva and Ceres, had wintered at San Francisco and sailed in February, the officers leaving a most favorable impression as a result of their free manner of spending money.15 Between Gov- ernor Sola and the directors of the company there was an exchange of notes mutually polite and flattering in the autumn, the occasion being the expected arrival of the Borodino and Chevalier Zacariah Panafidin, who, however, failed to come.16 In 1821 also, as I suppose, but possibly a year or two earlier, Kuskof, the founder and first ruler of Ross, was succeeded in the command by Karl Schmidt, a young man of considerable enter- prise and ability, and retired from the service of the company. He died in Russia in 1823.17

13 Mofras, Exploration, ii. 6.

14 Ayala, Resumen. See chap. xx. of this volume.

15 See chap. xx. of this volume; Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., v. 251-3; Alvarado, Hist. Cal., MS., i. 228-9,

16 Sept. 22, 1821, Cramer and Severin to Gov. Sola. Dec. Ist, Sola's reply. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xx. 298-300.

17 Ivan Alexandrovich Kuskof, a merchant of Totemsk, came to America as clerk with Baránof, and for subsequent services was decorated with a gold medal and the title of commercial councillor. Baranof, Shizneopissanie, 35. In 1805 Rezánof speaks of his energy, honesty, and other good qualities: but also of his hot-headedness and lack of political knowledge. He says: "I ask

643

THE CANÓNIGO'S VISIT.

The Buldukof and Volga were the vessels sent down to San Francisco and Monterey in 1822 for supplies, a few otter being taken this year and the next by Alcuts, carried with their bidarkas on the vessels to engage in surreptitious hunting.18 The man-of-war Apollo, 32 guns and 120 men, Captain Stephen Krusof, also arrived at San Francisco from St Petersburg in No- vember seeking fresh provisions. Argüello ordered that the ship be furnished with all she needed and could pay for, that every courtesy be shown to the officers, but that no opportunity be afforded for obser- vation respecting the condition of the country and its defences.19

The most important event of the year at Ross was the visit of the Canónigo Fernandez, Captain Argüello, and Prefect Payeras in October. This visit has al- ready been fully recorded.20 Respecting that part of the topic which it would be desirable to notice more fully here, the negotiations between the canon and Manager Schmidt, there is very little information extant. Payeras, after alluding to the hospitable reception of his party by the Russians, and the privi- lege of inspecting everything at Ross, fully utilized in his narrative, says merely, " the political and other subjects of the superior commission intrusted to my noble companion having been discussed, we prepared to depart." The Russian writers tell us that Fernan- dez, after asking the old threadbare questions respect- ing the rights and papers under which Ross had been occupied, and getting no satisfactory replies, declared as a representative of Mexico that the place must be

for him the rank of collegiate assessor to protect him, if not from insult, at least from beatings, with which he has often been threatened.' Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., app., 219-20.

18 See chapter xxi. of this volume, on arrival of vessels. Khlebnikof, Zapiski, 141, mentions the otter-hunting in 1822-3. Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., i. 221, says 10,000 fanegas of grain and 5,600 arrobas of flour, meat, and tallow were obtained by the vessels of this year.

19 Vallejo, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., i. 51; Dept. Rec., MIS., i. 4, 59; St. Pap. Sac., MS., xii. 5.

20 See chapter xxi. of this volume. Also Payeras, Noticias sobre Ross, MIS.

644

ROSS AND THE RUSSIANS.

abandoned within six months or force would be used.21 There is no reason to doubt that such was the sub- stance of the interview. The canónigo's main object was to get information about the Russian establish- ment, and having accomplished this he could hardly do less than insist on the abandonment, neither he nor Schmidt attaching much importance to the accom- panying threats of forcible ejectment.22 Fernandez, after his return from Ross, caused some depositions to be taken from Russian residents respecting the plans of their nation, and even carried one of those residents with him to Mexico.23

The trip of the canon to Bodega, his remarks and acts after his return, and his letters from Mexico a little later, fanned into a flickering flame the suspicious fears of Russia entertained in Mexico and California.2+ The national authorities had, however, other and more urgent causes of anxiety which prevented them from devoting more than brief attention to dangers on the northern frontier; and in California, though some uneasiness was caused by the presence of the Apollo, which had wintered at San Francisco, and of the Creizer and Ladoga, Russian frigates which arrived later in 1823; and though Padre Duran took it upon himself to agitate the matter by calling the governor's attention to the impending danger, the fuel was too damp and the flame refused to spread. Relations between Ross and Monterey continued to be as friendly as ever.

And even more friendly; for not only did the Buldákof, Golovnin, and perhaps the Volga trade on

21 Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., i. 361; Potechin, Selenie Ross, 16.

22 Tikhménef says that the members of the diputacion assured the com- pany's commissioner, Khlébnikof, that they knew nothing of the canónigo's plan to force the evacuation of Ross.

23 Arch. Arzob., MS., iv. pt. ii. 83; Dept. Rec., MS., i. 55, 96; Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., v. 222. Capt. Hall, of the Lady Blackwood, touched at Bodega this year, and in his Remarks describes the harbor slightly.

24 See chapter xxii. 2-4, with references to Iturbide's fears and several letters of the padres.

645

INTERCOURSE WITH CALIFORNIANS.

the southern coast this year;25 but Governor Argüe- llo, always a friend, socially and commercially, to the Russians, even went so far as to grant the oft- urged privilege of hunting otters on shares. A con- tract was signed in December, which, being renewed the following year, yielded before the end of 1824 a total of 1,500 skins for division. 26

The Russian vessels in Californian ports in 1824 were the traders Buldukof and Rurik; the frigates Creizer, Ladoga, and Apollo; and the Predpriate under Otto von Kotzebue. 27 Business relations continued altogether friendly, and there is nothing in connection with the foreign fleet that requires notice here except Kotzebue's visit to Ross. This visitor gives in his printed narrative a very good description not only of the Russian establishment but of " the whole of the northern part of the bay, which does not properly belong to California, but is assigned by geographers to New Albion." Past and present relations between the colonists and the Californians he treats in a most unfair and prejudiced manner,23 representing that the

25 See chapter xxii. of this vol. Khlébnikof, Zapiski, 141.

26 See chapter xxii., this vol. In a report of Oct. 16, 1823, the Americans are charged with arming the Indians and inciting them against the Russians; but this charge refers chiefly if not entirely to the acts of the Americans at the north. Zavalishin, Delo o Koloniy Ross, 7-8.

27 See chap. xxiii. of this vol.

28 ' The Spaniards lived at first on the best terms with the new settlers, and provided them with oxen, cows, horses, and sheep; but when in process of time they began to remark that, notwithstanding the inferiority of soil and climate, the Russian establishment became more flourishing than theirs, envy and apprehension of future danger took possession of their minds; they then required that the settlement should be abandoned; asserted that their rights of dominion extended northward quite to the Icy Sea, and threatened to sup- port their claims by force of arms. The founder, and then commander of Ross, a man of penetration and one not easily frightened, gave a very decided answer' (exactly what he never could be induced to do). 'He had, he said, at the command of his superiors settled in this region which had not previ- ously been in the possession of any other power, and over which, consequently, none had a right but the natives; that these latter had freely consented to his occupation of the land, and therefore that he would yield to no such unfounded pretension as that now advanced by the Spaniards, but should always be ready to resist force by force. Perceiving that the Russians would not com- ply with their absurd requisitious, and considering that they were likely to be worsted in an appeal to arms, the Spaniards quietly gave up all further thought of hostilities, and entercd again into friendly communications with

646

ROSS AND THE RUSSIANS.

Russians had set up, insisted on, and virtually fright- ened the Californians into admitting the justice of a claim to territorial possessions in New Albion. The author is justified in praising the thrift observable at Ross as compared with the prevalent want of energy among the Spaniards; but he is extravagant in his praise in several respects, notably in that of agricult- ure, if we may credit the Russian writers; over-enthu- siastic, perhaps, in his admiration of the company's Indian policy ;2 and only moderately successful as a prophet in saying: "Should the blessing of civiliza- tion ever be extended to the rude inhabitants of these regions, the merit will be due to the Russian settle- ments, certainly not to the Spanish missions." Kotze- bue had been severely blamed by certain persons for having virtually acknowledged the justice of the Span- ish views respecting Ross at the time of his former visit to California; and now he seems to have been disposed as far as possible to make amends.

Not only Kotzebue but other Russian writers of later date take the ground that San Rafael in 1817 and San Francisco Solano in 1824 were founded by the Spaniards in order to prevent the Russians from extending their dominion to the bay of San Fran- cisco. "It is a great pity that we were not before- hand with them. The advantages of possessing this beautiful bay are incalculable," writes the navigator.30 We have seen, however, that such was not in any sense the origin of either foundation; but the settle- ment at Ross was deemed from the first a great aid

our people; since which the greatest unity has subsisted between the two nations." Kotzebue's New Voyage, ii. 121-3. It is not necessary for me to point out to the reader of the preceding chapters the glaring inaccuracies of this version.

29 ' The more striking the contrast between the two nations in their treat- ment of the savages, the more ardently must every friend of humanity re- joice on entering the Russian territory. The Greek Church does not make converts by force. Free from fanaticism she preaches only toleration and love. She does not even admit of persuasion, but trusts wholly to conviction for proselytes, who, when once they enter her communion, will always find her a loving mother. How different has been the conduct both of Catholic priests and Protestant missionaries'! New Voyage, ii. 124.

30 Kotzebue's New Voyage, ii. 123; Tikhmenef, Istor. Obos., i. 361-2.

647

DIPLOMACY.

to the new northern missions. At the foundation of Solano several ornaments for the church were sent as gifts from the Russians; and the padres had frequent occasion to apply at Ross for the manufacture or re- pair of various implements.31

On board one of the vessels of this year seems to have been Mr W. Zavalishin, who in a capacity not recorded claims to have engaged in certain negotia- tions with the Californians. He says the latter were willing to cede to the Russians all the country north of San Francisco Bay. It is not unlikely that he found some of the Californian officials who expressed such sentiments; but that the governor consented formally to such a cession of territory and sent the proposition to Mexico, may be doubted in the absence of documentary evidence. Zavalishin speaks of a report and documents presented by him on the sub- ject in 1824, but burned in 1835. His strong argu- ment with the Californians was that the cession to Russia was the only way to keep the country from the Americans. Whether or not Luis Arguello agreed to the measure is not a very important ques- tion, since he had no authority in such a matter.

It is not pretended that it was ever ratified by Mexico; and Zavalishin admits his failure to secure the ap- proval of Russia. In fact his essay, written after the discovery of gold had made the lands of great value, is in substance: "See what a prize you might have gained had you adopted my views," addressed to the imperial government.32

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History of California, Volume II, Part 67

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 826

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 826