History of California, Volume II, Part 8

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 826

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RUSSIAN RELATIONS.

The Russians were now safe from the guns of San Joaquin Battery, but they were not without mis- givings respecting their reception. The king of Spain to be sure had promised to instruct the California authorities to render every civility and aid to Krusen- stern's expedition, but had these instructions arrived ? And if so, would the little Juno and her disabled crew fulfil the pomp-loving Spaniards' expectations of a Russian squadron ? If courteously received, would they be able to get the supplies so much needed from San Francisco, not a port of entry, in violation of law ? True an appeal to humanity might induce the Span- iards to succor the distressed colony; but it would never do to let them know of the weak and miserable condition of the Russian settlements. Twenty armed men came down to the shore escorting Alférez Luis Argüello, commandant in his father's absence, and Father Uría; Langsdorff and Lieutenant Davidof went ashore for an interview, which was conducted in Latin between the naturalist and the friar; and all was well so far, for the king's orders respecting Krusen- stern's fleet had been received,8 and the visitors were entitled at least to a supply of fresh provisions for their present urgent needs. Rezánof and his officers were invited to dine at the presidio where they were entertained by Señora Argüello and her family with the aid of two friars. Don Luis it is true asked for an explanation of the Juno's appearance instead of the Nadeshda and Nera, and of the coming of the ambas- sador extraordinary in so informal a manner, this information being intended for transmission to the governor at Monterey. Rezanof had expected the question and he adroitly answered to the satisfaction of his host, in a manner more in accordance with his designs than with the exact truth, and always without reference to the true motive of his visit.9 A courier was despatched to the governor.

8 July 27, 1803, orders to aid the expedition of Krusentrer should itarrive on the coast. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 34.

9 Rezánof'sstory was in substance that Krusenstern's squadron had returned

REZÁNOF AT SAN FRANCISCO.

Next day the visitors were entertained at the mis- sion, but they said nothing of trade, though the friars were apparently inclined to broach that subject; nor of their urgent need, because it was understood that the Boston traders were wont to dilate to the Span- iards on the wretched condition of the Russian colony; but on the contrary Rezánof gave presents of more or less value to nearly everybody at the presidio and mission. His gifts gradually drew in padres from abroad to share the stranger's bounty; the cargo was thus artfully displayed; and the temptation became so irresistible that at last the friars voluntarily pro- posed to barter a cargo of bread-stuffs,10 the very thing the Russians most desired. But the governor's con- sent had to be gained, and the chamberlain wrote to Arrillaga that he would come overland to Monterey for an interview; but presently Don José Argüello arrived with a letter from Arrillaga in which he said he would spare his visitor so much trouble, as it was his intention to come immediately to San Francisco.11

Meanwhile the contrast between sunny California and the dreary Sitka with its storms and starvation introduced discontent into the Juno's crew. Life in California-where to eat, to drink, to make love, to smoke, to dance, to ride, to sleep, seemed the whole duty of man-must have seemed to these cold, sea- salted men a pleasant dream. Here all was abun-

to Russia; that the Tsar had intrusted him with the command of all his American possessions; that he had inspected his dominion during the past year and had wintered at Norfolk Sound; and that finally he had determined to visit California and consult with its governor, as ruler of a neighboring country, concerning mutual interests. This he told with the view of facili- tating business by impressing the Spaniards with an idea of his importance as he says in his letter, and 'at any rate I did not exaggerate much,' he adds. With the courier sent to Monterey, Rezanof sent a letter to the governor expressing thanks for his courteous reception and announcing his purpose to come to Monterey for a personal interview as soon as repairs on the Juno should be completed.

10 This is Rezanof's version. Langsdorff says the proposition was first made, when the padres seemed ready for it, by the Russians.

11 April 4 (error), 1806, Arrillaga to Rezanof, in Prov. Rec., MS., viii. 82-3. 'I recognized in this,' says Rezánof, 'the suspicious nature of the Spanish government, which everywhere prevents foreigners from acquainting themselves with the interior of the country, and observing the insignificance of its forces.'

RUSSIAN RELATIONS.

dance and indolence, in the north hardship and want; here fair women, there hideous squaws; this was a lotus-eating life worth living for, that a struggle for an existence not worth having. Three Americans and a Prussian asked to remain; Rezánof promised to speak to Argüello about it; and when permission, after what was probably not a very earnest plea, was refused, the men were sent to an island in the bay to be kept until the vessel should be ready to sail. Two Russian sailors, however, managed to escape.12

Arrillaga arrived on or about April 18th and re- ceived the Russians with the same courtesy that had been shown by his subordinates. His ability to con- verse in the French language rendered subsequent intercourse much easier than it had been, though Rezánof under certain favorable circumstances to be noted later had made rapid progress in his Spanish. Not a day was allowed to pass before the subject of trade was brought up, but in this matter the governor proved to be inconveniently wary and honest. In the ensuing interviews and discussions he gradually drew out of the Russian plenipotentiary, after not a few diplomatie lies on the part of the latter, the substan- tial truth that the Juno had brought a cargo of goods to trade for bread-stuffs, though the wily Rezánof would not say quite so much literally, still keeping secret his urgent need, putting it all on the basis of mutual benefit from trade, and professing that while his com- missary had a few goods he would like to sell, his own object was merely to collect samples of California products to be distributed among the northern estab- lishments in order to ascertain their adaptability to that market! Arrillaga asked for some explanation of O'Cain's trip in 1803. "They hunted otter all

12 Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 77; Tikhménef, Istor. Obsoranie, i. 144. Sept. 10, 1806, Arrillaga orders the embarcation of Russian prisoners (probably the two deserters), on the Concepcion for San Blas. Guerra, Doc. Hist. Cal., MS., iii. 194. A rongh note in the archives gives the force on the Juno as Son Excellence de Chambellan et Chevalier Nicolás de Rezanoff, Capt. Nicolás de Khorstoff, Lieut. Gabriel de Davidoff, Geo, de Langsdorff, Dr et Naturaliste, Pilotes Illiyn et Andreef; and 43 men. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 105.

DIPLOMACY.

winter," said the mystified governor, "but where they hid themselves was more than we could find out." Rezánof, far from admitting that the Russians had anything to do with that expedition, fell in with the humor of the governor, who was very bitter against the "Bostonian smugglers and robbers," and he pro- ceeded to dilate upon the tricky nature of the Yankees and the swindles they had perpetrated upon the Rus- sians. 13

Argument, persuasion, and flattery were alike un- availing. Arrillaga admitted the convenience of trade for the people of California, but he would not violate the laws, nor his oath of office. The utmost conces- sion he would make, after the Russian had exhausted his eloquence, was to permit the purchase of grain for cash. This was by no means satisfactory, as the gov- ernor doubtless well knew, since the Juno could carry but a very small amount of grain in addition to her cargo of goods. Rezánof urged that when cash had been paid for the grain, and the proper report had been sent to the viceroy, surely the friars might use their money as they pleased, even if they chose to buy a few things from the Juno. "No. No," replied the honest old ruler, "that would be the same thing; and after living sixty years without reproach I cannot take such a trick on my conscience." Neither did the hint that the holy fathers were willing enough to take it on theirs, produce the desired effect. The prospect was decidedly bad, and none the better from the reports that were at this time prevalent in Cali- fornia of probable, perhaps actual, war between Spain and Russia. The enthusiasm of even the friars began to abate, and they were not unwilling to admit that they hoped on the arrival of a Spanish cruiser to get the Juno and her cargo for nothing; yet there was also a fear, confessed with equal frankness, that Rus- sian war-ships might come before the cruiser. Rezánof

13 Rczánof, Zapiski, 274-5. Letter of June 29, 1806. Baránof, Shizneo- pissanie, 75-7.

RUSSIAN RELATIONS.

made light of the warlike rumors, though he redoubled vigilance on board his vessel. He had yet one card to play before the game was lost or won.14

From the first Rezanof had paid daily visits to the commandant's house, and was kindly received by all members of the Argüello family. " Among the lovely sisters of the commandant," writes he, " Doña Con- cepcion has the name of being the beauty of Califor- nia, and your Excellency will agree with me when I say that we were sufficiently rewarded for our suffer- ings, and passed the time very pleasantly." How Doña Concepcion's black eyes won the heart of the imperial chamberlain has often been told in prose and verse; it is the famous romance of Spanish times in California. I have no wish to spoil so good a story, though history like murder will out, and it must be confessed that this celebrated courtship had a very solid substratum or superstructure of ambition and diplomacy. 15 The Californian beauty was ambitious and disposed, even at the early age of fifteen, to be discontented in the land of her birth, which in their joking discussions she was wont to depreciate. "A good soil, a warm climate, plenty of grain and cattle," she said, " but nothing else." What wonder that court life at St Petersburg, as pictured by the dis- tinguished and handsome stranger,16 was fascinating, or that this child, weary of the sun-basking indo- lence of those about her, and fretting under the dull monotony of life at a frontier garrison, allowed her

14 Rezánof's men heard the rumors and declared their intention to desert on the first opportunity. Arrillaga is said to have secretly transferred a por- tion of the Monterey garrison to Santa Clara with a view to have the force near in case of trouble. The archives, however, have no record of this pre- caution.

15 ' The bright eyes of Donna Conception had made a deep impression upon his heart; and he conceived that a nuptial union with the danghter of the Commandant at St. Francisco would be a vast step gained towards promoting the political objects he had so much at heart. He had therefore nearly come to a resolution to sacrifice himself by this marriage to the welfare, as he hoped, of the two countries.' Langsdorff's Voyages, ii. 183.

16 Rezánof, though no longer youthful, and a widower, was of fine presence and had a remarkably attractive face, if we may judge by his portrait in Tilhménef, Istor. Obosranie, ii.

DOÑA CONCEPCION DE ARGÜELLO.

heart to follow her ambition and reciprocated the ad- vances of one who, though ambassador and chamber- lain, was also alas! a heretic !

It was not, however, until all other expedients had failed, that Rezánof pressed his suit so far as to pro- pose marriage,17 and herein lies the evidence that rather unpleasantly merges the lover into the diplomate. Doña Concepcion consented; so did her parents; and so did the friars reluctantly, on condition that the be- trothal should be kept secret and be subject to the pope's approval. On his return to St Petersburg, as Langsdorff tells us, Rezánof proposed to go to Ma- drid as envoy extraordinary of the Russian court, to remove all misunderstanding between the two powers. Thence he would return by way of Mexico to San Francisco to claim his bride. Doña Concepcion had before been very useful as a 'devoted friend' in keep- ing the chamberlain acquainted with the state of feeling on commercial topics, and the pretty spy's occupation was gone; but as Rezánof was now counted as one of the family, the father and brother kept no secrets from him. "From this time," he writes, " I managed this port of his Catholic Majesty as my interests re- quired. The governor was very much astonished to see Don José intrust me with the most private affairs of his household, and to find himself all at once, so to speak, my guest."

Now was the time to make a final effort for permis- sion to dispose of the Juno's cargo. With the new

17 ' Seeing that my situation was not improving, expecting every day that some misunderstanding would arise, and having but little confidence in my own people, I resolved to change my politeness for a serious tone. Finally I imperceptibly created in her an impatience to hear something serions from me on the subject, which caused me to ask for her hand, to which she consented. My proposal created consternation in her parents, who had been reared in fanaticism; the difference in religion and the prospective sep- aration from their daughter made it a terrible blow for them. They ran to the missionaries, who did not know what to do; they hustled poor Concepcion to church, confessed her, and urged her to refuse me, but her resoluteness finally overcame them all. The holy fathers appealed to the decision of the throne of Rome, and if I could not accomplish iny nuptials, I had at least the preliminary act performed, the marriage contract drawn up, and forced them to betroth us.'

RUSSIAN RELATIONS.

alliance in favor of the project failure was impossible. Arrillaga, with all his official integrity, barely able to resist the friars, the people, and his own inclinations, could no more resist Don José Argüello, his friend of thirty years standing, than Don José could be deaf to the entreaties of his daughter, the spoiled darling of his family, or than Doña Concepcion could fail to look at all projects of trade through the eyes of her Russian lover. As soon as Arrillaga had yielded, a somewhat complicated plan was devised, by which cash was to appear as the medium of purchase on both sides. That is, the governor, on a petition being pre- sented to him by the inhabitants setting forth their need of the goods, was to buy the Juno's cargo for money from the Russian commissary, Rezánof's name not appearing in the transaction except to certify that the commissary had a right to sell the goods. The commissary was to use the money thus acquired to buy grain and other provisions from the friars; and the latter could subsequently return the governor his coin for the goods they needed.18 Accordingly grain was

18 Such is Rezánof's own version of the arrangement, and if not quite accurate in every respect, there are no means of correcting it, for naturally it is not explained in the Spanish records. April 20, 1806, Rezánof to Arri- llaga, asks permission to buy for cash 200 fanegas of wheat, barley, beans, and pease, 100 arrobas of flour, 50 arr. of salt, 300 arr. of butter, and 300 arr. of tallow. Dept. St. Pap., Mont., MS., i. 37. May 16th, Argüello reports that he has supplied the Juno with the articles named above to the value of $5,002. Merchandise received in exchange, $4,903. Id., i. 38. May 23th, Arrillaga to viceroy, forwards some Russian despatches; mentions Rezánof's voyage in general terms; speaks with favor of Rezánof's proposal for trade between the Russian and Spanish establishments; and of non- intercourse with English and American vessels; and finally states that $4,000 worth of stores have been sold for money and implements. Prov. Rec., MS., ix. 75-6. Arrillaga had previously announced Rezanof's arrival in his letter of April 19th, to which the viceroy replies July 29thi that he awaits account of the Juno's objects and passports. Prov. St. Pap., MS., xix. 100. Sept. 15, 1806, viceroy acknowledges receipt of the passports and of despatches from Rezanof and others, all of which he will forward to Spain. Id., Ben. Mil., xxxvii. 5. Communication of the directors of the company dated St Peters- burg, March 15, 1810, referring to Rezánof's visit, reception, and to commercial negotiations on which the governor promised to report to the viceroy. Id., xix. 271-2. Khlébnikof says the supplies obtained were 671 fanegas of wheat, 117 oats, 140 pease and beans, with a little flour, mustard, and salt valued at $5,587. Baranof, Shizneopissanie, 105; Langsdorff, Voyages, ii. 215, says they got 4,294 measures of corn, with a large quantity of flour, pease, beans, and maize, together with a few casks of salted meat, and a small pro- vision of salt, soap, tallow, and some other articles, all amounting to $24,000.

REZÁNOF'S DEPARTURE.

brought in rapidly from all directions, and the Juno was soon loaded. The question of mutual trade in the future was discussed, and Arrillaga spoke strongly in favor of it, but he declared he could promise nothing in the matter without higher authority.19

Having accomplished his object Rezánof delayed his departure as little as possible. On May 21st, or as Tikhménef says, on the 19th, he sailed out past the fort, firing and receiving a salute as he went. After a stormy and tedious voyage he arrived at Sitka on June 19th and learned that during his absence the scurvy had raged dreadfully, but thanks to the appear- ance of the herrings, was now much abated.

In describing Rezánof's visit I have called attention almost exclusively to the topic of Russo-Spanish rela- tions; but in doing so I have also presented all that need be said of it, except certain local and personal observations of Langsdorff, which may be more con- veniently noticed in another chapter; and the same writer's general observations on the country with its people and institutions, which were by no means very extensive or important. As a naturalist he names some species of animals, birds, and fishes, which came under his notice, but as he says, his opportunities for scientific investigation were limited. As a surgeon he notes the wholly inadequate measures adopted in the Spanish establishments for the treatment of the sick; the lack of physicians and medicines; the ignorance of the friars and the indifference of the neophytes respecting all curative processes; the remarkable fecundity and ease of childbirth among the Spanish women; the almost universal prevalence of syphilitic

19 It is to be noted that notwithstanding Rezanof's enthusiasm, Langsdorff did not regard the establishment of commercial relations as practicable or profitable even if permitted by the Spanish court. The obstacles in his opinion were the difficulties of communication; the difficulty in obtaining articles suited for the California trade, the articles most desired there being also scarce in the north; and the high price of corn in California compared with that at Cronstadt. True the otter-hunting might be profitable, but the author did not believe the Spaniards would ever permit it. A Russian colony in the southi was, he believed, the only practicable way of taking advantage of California's fertility. Voyages, ii. 184-6.

RUSSIAN RELATIONS.

affections; and the temporary ravages of the measles. There was no attempt to gather historical material, though some ideas of inland geography were collected as they existed vaguely in the Spanish mind. Indian manners and customs were studied somewhat closely at San Francisco and Mission San José, the natives of the latter place being vastly superior to those of the former. Of the character and zeal of the mis- sionaries Langsdorff speaks highly. He believes the neophytes' condition to be better than that of the gentiles, attributing their tendency to run away to national character rather than to ill-treatment. To their inferiority as a race he also attributes the success of the Spaniards in keeping in subjection so large a number with so small a force. The mission system is quite accurately described. This author has less to · say than other visitors, of the Spanish poverty, shift- lessness, and lack of all progressive and precautionary characteristics, though the failure to use boats in San Francisco Bay struck him as very remarkable; neither is he so enthusiastic in praise of California's natural advantages and prospects for a glorious future as have been some travellers before him and many since.20

It is necessary to add the unhappy ending of the romance which played so prominent a part in the nar-

20 ' Friendship and harmony reigned in the whole behaviour of these worthy kind-hearted people.' 'None of these missionaries can acquire any property, so that the idea of enriching themselves can never divert their thoughts from their religious avocations.' 'The monks conduct themselves in general with so much prudence, kindness, and paternal care, towards their converts, that peace, happiness, and obedience universally prevail among them.' 'I was present at the time of delivering out the soup, and it appeared to me incom- prehensible how any one could three times a day eat so large a portion of such nourishing food.' 'One cannot sufficiently admire the zeal and activity which carries the friars through so arduous a task, or forbear wishing the most com- plete success to their undertaking.' 'None of the men that we saw (Indians at San Francisco) were above five feet high; they were ill-proportioned, and had such a dull heavy negligent appearance, that we all agreed we had never seen a less pleasing specimen of the human race.' 'I believe them wholly incapable of forming among themselves any regular and combined plan for their own emancipation.' 'As the padres have more men and women under their care than they could keep constantly employed the whole year, if labour were too much facilitated, they are afraid of making them idle by the intro- duction of mills.' Langsdorff's Voyages, ii. 153-71.

END OF THE ROMANCE.

rative just presented. Having crossed over to Kam- chatka Rezánof started in September from Okhotsk for an overland trip to St Petersburg. Let us hope that he was true to his Californian love, that his pur- pose was strong to claim his bride, that his promised diplomatic sacrifice of himself in matrimony was yet a sweet dream as he was whirled over Siberian snows, that no adverse influence was in wait at the imperial court to shake his purpose, for his constancy was never to experience a final test. His constitution had been weakened by the hardships of the preceding year, and he was unable to endure his long winter journey. He was seized with a violent fever and was carried into a Yakout hut. Recovering, he pressed on for twelve days, when exhaustion caused him to fall from his horse. The combined effects of the fall and the fever kept him for some time bedridden at Yakutsk, whence he started too soon, but succumbed at Krasnoyarsk, where he died on March 1, 1807.21

Doña Concepcion Argüello, the sincerity of whose affection for the Russian chamberlain there is no reason to doubt, did not learn of her lover's death for several years. Yet she was constant to his memory, refused to listen to words of love from other suitors, and finally, when it became evident that her betrothed was either dead or false, she took the robes of a beata, and dedicated her life to deeds of charity. Probably she accompanied her parents to Lower California in 1815 from Santa Bárbara; at least she was at Loreto in 1818. Next year she returned to Santa Bárbara; but subsequently rejoined her parents at Guadalajara. Here her mother died in 1829, a year or two after her father's death, and then Doña Concepcion came back once more to California, where she lived in the Guerra family, busied in caring for the sick, and in other good works. Here Simpson met her in 1842, and it was from him that she is said to have learned the particular

21 Tikhménef, Istor. Obosranie, i. 162.

RUSSIAN RELATIONS.

cause and circumstances of her lover's death.22 When the Dominicans founded their convent of St Catherine at Benicia, Doña Concepcion entered that establish- ment, and there she died in 1857 at the age of sixty- seven. She enjoyed the respect and veneration of all who knew her, and there were few families who could not remember some act of kindness at her hands. 23

After Rezánof's return to Sitka there seems to have been no intercourse between the Russian settle- ments and California for some time, unless we may so regard the otter-hunting expeditions of Americans made under contract with Baránof, on terms similar to those formerly obtained by O'Cain, Winship, and Campbell. In 1807 Swift in the Derby, with twenty- five bidarkas and fifty Aleuts, hunted on the coast with results which are not known.24 Jonathan Win- ship likewise came down from Kadiak in the O'Cain

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History of California, Volume II, Part 8

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe Publication date: 1885 Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers Number of Pages: 826

Author: Bancroft, Hubert Howe
Publication date: 1885
Publisher: San Francisco, Calif. : The History Company, publishers
Number of Pages: 826