USA > Vermont > Windsor County > Royalton > History of Royalton, Vermont, with family genealogies, 1769-1911 > Part 11
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The most noteworthy public day of the year was the fourth of July. It had not become an old story in those days. The eagle was still screaming, and the boom of cannon was not so far away as to fail to awaken a feeling of patriotism at the dawn- ing of Independence Day. Royalton had its "Fourth" like other towns.
Zebulon Lyon, Isaac Skinner, and Stephen Backus adver- tised on June 22, 1814, that there would be a celebration at Roy- alton on July 4th. A procession was to form at the academy at 10 a. m., and go to the meeting house for a sermon and oration. These gentlemen were the corresponding committee for the Wash- ington Benevolent Society. They announced that accommoda- tions would be provided at the public house of E. Stevens, Esq., probably Elkanah Stevens. Reporters were not so numerous as limbs on a tree in that early time, and no further notice of the celebration has been found, nor is it known whether or not the fund of the Benevolent Society was increased thereby.
The observance of the day in 1827 was on a grander scale, and from the "Advocate" published here at that time, an ac- count of the proceedings has been gleaned. The committee of arrangements were Harry Bingham, Elisha Rix, Dr. Joseph A. Denison, Oliver Willes, Silas Packard, Peter Wheelock, Jr., and Franklin Hunter. The morning was ushered in by a salute of thirteen guns. A procession formed at 11 a. m. at Moses Cut- ter's tavern, under the direction of Col. Fowler as marshal, as- sisted by Capt. Bingham and Capt. Asa Partridge, and proceeded to the meeting house under the escort of the Woodstock artillery, commanded by Capt. O. N. Dana.
There exercises were held, beginning with an anthem from the choir led by A. C. Noble. Prayer was offered by Rev. Kit- tredge ( ?) Haven, and the Declaration of Independence was read by Jacob Collamer, preceded and followed by appropriate re- marks. An oration was delivered by the editor of the "Advo- cate," Mr. Spooner, spoken of as a chaste, eloquent, and patriotic production, which did honor to the head and heart from which it emanated. There was delightful music by the choir.
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After the exercises, dinner was served at Cutter's hotel. No one need to have gone away hungry, for, if Mr. Cutter was unable to entertain all the guests, there was a rival tavern at the upper end of the village kept by Simon S. Stone, who had advertised for this day, that he would accommodate all who would call on the Fourth, and give them all the rare vegetables of the season, "such as green peas, fresh meats, beef, pork, roasted pig, lamb, etc."
At the dinner, toasts were given accompanied by the dis- charge of cannon. Gen. Elias Stevens presided, supported by Dea. John Billings and Gen. Mills May. Oel Billings was master of toasts. There were twenty-four regular toasts and thirteen volunteer ones. Among them were, "Vermont-Firm among her green hills, she stands unrivalled in patriotism, and plain good living"; "Slavery-Emancipation shall be our motto, until all are free"; Heman Durkee offered the volunteer toast, "Hon. William Slade-Like polished steel, the more it is rubbed, the brighter it shines." Wyman Spooner, the editor of the "Advo- cate," who had been picking flaws in the state constitution, of- fered this: "The constitution of Vermont-May it receive of the spirit of the age-internal improvement." Another toast was in honor of Lafayette, the pleasure of whose visit was still fresh in mind: "Gen. Lafayette-A nation's friend receives a nation's gratitude." An effort had been making for a canal, and Elias Lyman offered the following: "Vermont-On the sea- board by an independent canal on the banks of the Connecticut."
The account of this Fourth which was celebrated eighty- three years ago, proves that, whatever were the limitations of the inhabitants of those days, they had the ability to plan and carry out a rather pretentious program with distinguished success. We can imagine the sheds and streets crowded with the farmers' teams, hay-ricks changed to carry-alls by a carpet of fresh straw and a draft on the kitchen chairs, with a rocker here and there for Grandsir, who fought in the Revolution, and whose deaf ear could still hear the roar of cannon, bringing back the day, when he snatched his flint lock, and in homespun marched to the de- fense of Bunker Hill. The quaint little women in their sun bonnets and pantalets listened with delight, partly to the music, and partly to the boast of their boy comrades, whose faces shone under their broad-rimmed hats, as they talked of the day when they should beat the drum, or carry a gun and fight for the father-land.
On such days as this the whole town came together, but a better means of forming close companionships were the neigh- borly visits. It is doubtful if our grandfathers and grand- mothers realized what a blessing these visits were to them. It
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established a bond of sympathy and mutual helpfulness, which the formal call of to-day does not foster. It was a time to get acquainted, not only with one's neighbors, but with their homes, their hopes, their trials. If Mrs. A.'s hens were on strike, and Mrs. B.'s were filling to overflowing her store basket, then a dozen eggs would be sent the next day to Mrs. A., who did not forget the favor, but reciprocated when opportunity offered.
The long stocking legs grew inch by inch, as the two women chatted and measured yarn to see which would knit up to the knot first. It was easy to knit and talk too; one could knit with shut eyes, if no stitches were dropped. After dinner when the dishes were done, in which work both visitor and housewife en- gaged, there was the afternoon to look over the carpet rags, nearly all colored, sewed, and ready for the loom, and to inspect the last piece of linen, which had a new pattern in its weaving. Sometimes Mrs. A. would take her Mehitable along with her, who was about the age of Mrs. B.'s Freelove, and the two girls would have their visit in the sitting room, while their parents chatted in the parlor.
The men looked over the stock and guessed on the weight of the hogs, and the visitor praised the fine points in the horses and cows, or perchance they traded, each exchanging animals for those better suited to his own purpose. Thus passed the day, and it was not until after tea, when chore time came, that the team was brought around, and with many warm invitations to come again, the good host and his wife allowed their guests to depart to their own home.
In Royalton, before bridges were built across the river, the women sometimes took their chairs and their knitting to the river bank, and visited across the stream.
The yearly singing school, taught in the winter by some one who usually spent the rest of the year working on the farm, was a time of both profit and pleasure for the young people. These schools for some years were held in the hall in Fox's tavern at N. Royalton. The singing master was, generally, a good disci- plinarian, and did not allow any levity while he was instructing his class, but there was the intermission of ten or fifteen minutes, when fun ran riot, and the young men improved it to secure their partners in the walk home, unless they had driven in. In that case, the blooming lasses who were tucked into the sleigh for a ride home were the envy of all the rest.
The old tunes were sung with fervor, and if there were not so many fine solos as are heard to-day, there were more persons who could and would sing, whether true to time and pitch or not. Royalton had some fine, well cultivated voices in those days, as well as now, and there was no dearth of talent, when concerts 6
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or other special occasions were planned. Alden C. Noble, Mrs. Eliza S. Denison, Martin. Skinner, and Thomas Atwood, "the singing teacher" of later time, and his accomplished brothers and sisters, and many others, could always be relied upon to do honor to any projected festivity where music was desired.
The early settlers in Royalton, like those of other sections of New England, were Puritanical in thought and feeling. The dance and the card table were tabooed as a general thing, and indulgence in either betokened a "worldly spirit" that needed reproof. There was, however, enough of a liberal element, coupled with the "unruly blood of youth," to introduce both pastimes occasionally into the pleasures when young people gath- ered for enjoyment. There is no evidence that gambling was any part of their games. The old fashioned square dances were de- corous and bred no undue familiarity. The greatest danger seems to have arisen from the common custom of both saint and sinner of indulging in a too free use of cider, wine, and other stimulants.
The charges brought against members of the church that had been guilty of dancing or playing cards, usually stated that the covenant had been broken, although the complainants ac- knowledged that the offenders had kept good hours. There were members of the "Church of Christ" in Royalton in the 1790's who did not think it wrong to allow these pastimes in their homes, and stoutly maintained their liberty of conscience, when charged with "allowing Frolicking in their house," "vain mirth and Jollity in their house by Chanting to the sound of the viol," which the stricter ones supposed "to be a mispence of time, and not at all attending to the glory of God."
One family of too much importance to be simply excom- municated, created such a storm of protest by allowing dancing, that the church appealed to Rev. Storrs for advice. He appears to have been a man free from prejudices, calm in judgment, and he did not condemn these pleasures wholesale, but said the one who "wantonly" indulged in them was subject to reproof.
Among the outdoor sports in the fall were turkey shoots and squirrel hunts. In the latter, captains were chosen for each of the two rival sides, the town, and sometimes, neighboring towns were divided off, a certain time, usually two or three days, was agreed on for the hunt to cease and for the game to be brought in and counted. Tellers were appointed for this purpose. A squirrel counted as one, and other game as agreed upon, and the whole ended with a feast. The turkey shoot held its own until quite recent years, and even now one occasionally hears of such a contest. Other games for men and boys were wrestling, pitch- ing quoits, ball playing, and other athletic sports.
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In the winter, coasting, as now, was a prime enjoyment, in which both sexes joined. The old-style sled would hold two or more, and the traverse, several. Alas for any old sleigh that might be drowsing in a corner! It would at once be declared contraband, and, packed with girls, with one or two boys to steer, would go dashing down the hills, threatening the lives of those within it, who never thought of danger in the midst of their hilarity.
There is little of such mingling of work and play to-day as obtained in "ye olden time" at huskings, quiltings, nutting parties, and raisings. If a farmer then wished to build a barn or a house, he did not let the contract, go his way, and come around a few weeks after, to take possession of his new building. When the timbers of the house were all hewed and framed to measure on the spot where the building was to stand, every man and boy in the neighborhood was on hand for the "raising." Each put his shoulder to the work, and worked lustily until the frame was up. Then came the lunch prepared for the occasion, eaten from the hands and washed down with frequent gulps from the cider pitcher, or from something stronger. This was the time for visiting with a neighbor, for telling stories about other raisings, and often for the playing of jokes upon a comrade. Sometimes, if the cider pitcher had been passed around before the frame was up, an unsteady foot slipped, and a bad accident marred the occasion.
No misfortune could happen to one family without the knowl- edge of the whole neighborhood, and offers of friendly assistance. Many a growing breach was healed by the kind act of a seeming enemy, in time of sore need. Was a man sick and unable to do his haying? Joining hands and teams, his neighbors went into his fields, and in one day accomplished what it would have taken weeks, perhaps, for him to have done alone. "Bees," these good deeds were called. There were sewing bees for a sickly wife with a brood of small children, haying bees, husking bees. In fact, any worthy person in distress could count on help without the asking. Hearts were open, hands were ready.
Trained nurses were in no demand. Almost every wife and mother understood the art of soothing the sick, and of skillfully seconding the drugs of the doctor, even of applying the simple remedies obtained from field and forest. Both men and women took turns in watching with the sick ones near them. In every town there were always a few who showed a special aptitude in the care of the diseased, and so they came to be neighborhood nurses. When doctors were far away, it was necessary that some one should have sufficient experience and knowledge to apply
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the needful remedies. Some of the first mothers in Royalton walked many a weary mile to bring relief to stricken ones.
Funerals were occasions requiring great preparations for the entertainment of relatives and friends, who would be likely to come to pay the last rites to the departed one. Families were large, and relatives were numerous, but, as travel was slow, the number that could be present was considerably lessened. It was a matter of pride to have a bountiful table, to which the mourn- ing guests were invited. Gloomy as all funerals must necessarily be, those of early days were peculiarly so, rendered thus by the concomitants of dress and ceremony, and the lack of hopeful consolation, which marks such occasions at the present time.
The early settlers of New England were pre-eminently a church-going people. They were here that they might enjoy re- ligious liberty, and they did enjoy it to the full. Headaches as an excuse for non-attendance at church service were unheard of. It was a matter of course that the whole family should go to meeting, from the baby just cutting its teeth, to the grandfather, whose polished head had to be covered by a bandana to protect him from a draught. The baby might cry, but there were others, and the preacher could drown a regiment of such infantile wails. The grandfather might drop off during the long prayer or ser- mon, and interject a snort at other times than when the "Amens" were shouted, but he always woke at the right time, in season to shake the parson by the hand and tell him what an edifying ser- mon they had had, and what parson would complain, after re- ceiving such a compliment ?
Two sermons a day was the rule. At noon the congrega- tion gathered in groups outdoors in the summer, in the meeting house in cold weather, and ate their lunches, and discussed the events of the past week, and the points in the sermon. No Sun- day schools as yet. The afternoon service was similar to the morning service, except, it may be, somewhat shorter, so that the farmers would have ample time in winter to reach their homes and do their chores.
At first no such thing as stoves was known. Frequently nothing but foot stoves, containing coals carried from home fur- nished warmth, and sometimes not even these were at hand. The tall pulpit reached by a flight of steps, and arched overhead by a sounding board, literally raised the minister above the plane of his parishioners, as he was held above them in respect and reverence. Everything that resembled the formality of the Ro- man and the English Church was discarded, but the attitude during prayer was usually a standing one.
The meetings in Royalton were first held in private houses or barns, and, later, when a meeting-house was built, it was also
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used for town meetings, and it is likely that the feeling of sanc- tity common in those days in connection with a church building, was considerably lacking here. The spirit of worship was, how- ever, truly sincere and genuine.
Children were not allowed the liberty that is theirs to-day. Their will was not considered in the matter of church attend- ance. They were expected to be silent when their elders had company, and especially at table. There they were to eat what was put before them, and to "clean up their plates." Moral suasion was not resorted to for disobedience so often as the rod.
At school the ferule was a familiar weapon in the hands of the pedagogue, and came down hard on the hands, and some- times, the heads of the unruly. The child punished at school, as a rule, expected a second chastisement at home. Now and then, when the teacher lacked personal force, and often applied the rod, the parent grew tired of repeated floggings, and sent word to the pedagogue "to whip John hard so it would last." John did not always improve under this heroic treatment.
Each child at home had his stated tasks, and learned to know what responsibility meant. Children grew up to be very capable and very good, or else good for nothing. There were few "half- ways" under this training. They were taught to be respectful to their elders, especially the aged, and at school to treat the stranger with courtesy. It was no unusual sight in country schools to see the pupils at recess lined up to bow to a passing stranger.
The "scholar" who could spell the school down and do the knottiest problems in arithmetic was the honor man. The boys got their physical culture behind the plough, by swinging the scythe or axe, and the girls, over the wash tub, or in handling the broom. Both, usually, were rosy-cheeked and healthy. Be- fore boy or girl was sixteen, either was capable of filling father's or mother's place in case of emergency. They had learned some- thing, and learned it well. If their curriculum was not enriched, it was, at least, sound, and gave them moral and mental stamina.
Boys were fortunate, if, after they were fourteen, they had a chance to go to school more than three months in the year; the girls from four to six months. Their school days could not be extended at will, for there were spinning, carding of wool, and weaving to be done. The young maiden must know how to do all this, to cook, to make her own outfit of neatly sewed bed and table linen, ready for the day, when, as a blushing bride, she should go to a home of her own. Before that time came, she had learned to make her own garments out of material of her own handiwork. Only the wealthy could afford "store goods."
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Brothers and sisters grew up to be much attached to each other. They shared together whatever privations were theirs, and were interested in each other's welfare. After marriage, it was an annual event at Thanksgiving or other time, for all to meet again under the old home roof, when the tables really groaned under their burdens of good cheer. The poor were re- membered, and one or more poor relatives often found this one day the silver spot in a year of shadows.
To the community life of that early period may be largely traced the spirit of brotherhood, which is a distinguishing trait of the best class of our citizens of to-day. They rejoiced un- selfishly in each other's success, and a friendly regard for the rights of others was engendered, as well as sympathy in suffer- ing, and the holding in abeyance of personal wishes, if they ran counter to the public good.
CHAPTER IX.
ROYALTON FORT.
Reference has been made in the Preface to my indebtedness to Dr. Gardner Cox of Holyoke, Mass., for valuable information regarding the history of Royalton Fort. Very few people in Royalton ever heard of the fort, and the references to it in the town records are meager. Dr. Cox has prepared a full account of the Barnard, Bethel, and Royalton forts in connection with his history of the Cox family in Barnard, which, if not already published, will, no doubt, soon be in book form. An extract from his narrative of Royalton Fort follows :
"During the Revolution forts were built in the towns of Royalton, Bethel, and Barnard, and so near each other that they were really within the radius of a single township. While there were many blockhouses and fortifications, there were few forts, not above ten being mentioned in the records of the state. Of these three only the Bethel and Barnard forts were contempo- raneous. The three towns were the frontier, few towns having been named, and less surveyed, to the north of them, and the wild moose was monarch of the mountains from Mount Hunger to Montreal.
No sooner had the reverberations of the cannonading of Bun- ker Hill died away than the country was talking about the enemy to the north of them, and scouts were sent out to look for 'Regu- lars, Roman Catholics, Indians, and Frenchmen.' What they meant by 'Regulars' I know not, unless they were paroled sol- diers, or pretended deserters from the British, and what harm the Catholics ever did them is not explained in any of their numerous petitions, or by any knowledge we have had of them since, but probably they considered them one with the French, and therefore enemies.
There were fortifications up and down the Connecticut, and along the lakes to the West, but the center of the state was de- fenceless. They soon organized a line of scouts from Newbury along the Onion river, Newbury being a Babylon of activity, and Haverhill on the New Hampshire side a center of defiance.
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Times grew apace, and the inhabitants along the Connecticut were wont to assemble and talk the matter over. Hanover as a center, included a number of towns on either side of the river, Hartford, Thetford, Norwich, Lebanon, and Lyme, all of which felt that they were a little better than the rest of the earth, for they were not sure whether they belonged to New Hampshire, Vermont, New Connecticut, or whether they were little kingdoms all by themselves. So the surrounding towns were more or less the body politic in all of the Hanover deliberations. My great- grandfather, who built and commanded at the Barnard fort, was once a member of a Vermont legislature that sat in Charlestown, N. H."
The failure of the attack on Quebec, and the prospect that the British would advance into the colonies from the Canada side, caused the settlers of the Grants to be in a constant state of fear and anxiety. Hanover shared in this unrest. The climax of alarm in Hanover resulted on July 5, 1776, in the calling to- gether of the Committee of Safety from Lyme, Hanover, Leb- anon, Thetford, Norwich, and Hartford in College Hall. The record of this meeting is found in the N. H. State Papers, Vol- ume VIII, page 297.
"Chosen-Amos Robinson, Clerk
Chosen-Deacon Nehemiah Estabrook, Moderator
Voted, To raise 50 men Exclusive of officers to Repair to Royalton to Fortefie in that Town & Scout from thence to Onion River & Newbury.
Voted-To apoint one Captain & two Subalterns.
Voted-To apoint Mr. David Woodward, Captain.
Voted-To apoint Mr. Joshua Hazzen first Lieut.
Voted-To apoint Mr. Abel Lyman second Lieut.
Voted-To apoint a Committee of three men to Direct the Building of the fort at Royalton & furnish sd Fort with all neces- sary supplies.
Chosen, Esqr Joel Marsh, Mr. Isaac Morgan, & Majr John Slapp to be sd Committee."
Amos Robinson, Joel Marsh, and Nehemiah Estabrook were Hartford men. Mr. Robinson was ferryman in Hartford for many years. At the same time that provision was made for Roy- alton fort, it was also voted to raise 250 men in four companies to go to Newbury and "fortifie, scout and guard." The chair- man of the committee asked the New Hampshire government for aid, and the Central Committee of Safety on the 11th authorized Captain Woodward to raise 30 men for three months, unless sooner discharged, "as scouting parties, to explore the woods and watch or oppose the motions of enemies coming against" the frontier settlements. They were to take orders from Col. Jacob Bayley, Col. John Hurd, and Col. Charles Johnson, or any two of them. Thus it will be seen that Capt. Woodward's company
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was cut down from 50 to 30 men, and he was to enlist only "able- bodied, efficient men, fit for such service."
Whether Capt. Woodward took his orders from two of the committee or acted on his own responsibility is not known, but he certainly did not seek advice from Col. Hurd. This military man with hurt pride wrote from Haverhill on the 11th of July to Meschech Weare, then at Hanover, as follows: "I'm just now informed by a person from the college that Capt. Woodward has raised his men and gone out into the woods to a place called Royalston-I suppose about midway between Connecticut river and the lake-to erect some stockade or fortification there from whence they may keep their scouts going; but they have not thought proper to inform the Committee what their plan may be, or anything of their intentions." This letter shows that Capt. Woodward made quick work of his recruiting, and was probably on the ground where the fort was located within a week or so after he received authority for his action. The committee gave him time to report, which he evidently failed to do, as on Aug. 3d Col. Hurd again wrote, "The Committee have wrote to Capt. Woodward, desiring he would come to Haverhill to consult with us respecting his scouts." The enterprise of Dr. Cox secured the fact that Col. Hurd employed Capt. Samuel Paine to carry his message to the too independent captain at Royalton. This Capt. Paine kept a diary, and in it under date of Aug. 3, 1776, he wrote, "Also Caryd a Letter on public Service from Colo. Hurd & Colo. Baley, the Committee, to Capt. Woodward, and went out from Lebanon to Royalton with sd letter, 25 miles, thence by desire of ye Committee I returned to Haverill." Lebanon was the place of his abode as stated in his diary. Capt. Woodward could have lost no time in complying with the request of the Committee. On the 12th of August he was detached from his company and sent from Haverhill to Exeter, then the seat of government for New Hampshire, with a tory as prisoner of war, and an orderly sergeant. Chase in his History of Dartmouth says that Joseph Curtiss of Hanover took command at Royalton while he was absent. The Committee of Safety at Exeter under date of Aug. 20th say they have received letters from Col. Hurd by Capt. Woodward.
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