USA > Vermont > Windsor County > Royalton > History of Royalton, Vermont, with family genealogies, 1769-1911 > Part 20
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Lieut. Houghton in his report says that they burned close to a stockaded post. This, of course, was Fort Fortitude at Bethel, which was four or more miles from the mouth of the Second Branch. It could hardly be said to be close to North Royalton, except in comparison with the distance the enemy were from their Canadian home. It made his undertaking seem a lit- tle more daring thus to report it. Prince Haskell was not taken prisoner at this time. He was captured August 9, 1780, when a party of twenty-one Indians made a raid on Barnard, and with other prisoners, Thomas M. Wright and Timothy Newton, was carried to Canada, where he was kept in confinement until the autumn of 1781, when he was exchanged.
If the Indians at the mouth of the First Branch crossed at the old fort fordway to go down on the west side of the river, they would miss two or more dwellings north of that fordway. It seems likely that they knew this, and sent a small number north on the west side. They would come first to the house of Joseph Parkhurst, probably not very far from the present South Royalton. They did not find him at home, for he had galloped down the river to give the alarm, to aid others in escaping, and no doubt to give directions for gathering his company of militia for pursuit, for Mr. Avery in his narrative says that with the word of warning came notice that some had turned to follow the enemy. It would have been foolhardiness for a mere handful of men to attack a body of 300 or more Indians. The date of Capt.
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Parkhurst's first marriage has not been ascertained, but his first child was born nearly three years after the raid, and it may be that he had no family at this time. That was also probably true of Lieut. Calvin Parkhurst, who may have lived with Joseph, or on his own land farther up stream. Lieut. Calvin was mar- ried Nov. 9, 1780. He was in Bennington at the time of the raid as a representative from Royalton, and a similar record is found on the Journal of the House as is found in the case of Capt. Ebenezer Parkhurst. Both were given leave of absence to re- turn home on account of the invasion of the enemy.
The definite location of the "Handy fordway," one rod above Stevens bridge, locates the Handy lot as the place where Milo Dewey formerly lived, where Miss Jessie Benson, a great-grand- daughter of the first settler now resides. A plausible explanation of this being a part of the Handy lot is, that the line of the lot on the east then ran or was supposed to run straight up to the river, touching the river near the Stevens bridge, and not as shown on the original chart of the town. When Robert Handy sold this lot, N. E. 22 Large Allotment, in 1781, the boundary began on "the Banck of White River and on the corner of Leut Calvin Parkhursts Lot West Side thence up Said River to the Lore End of the large Island operset Conll Ebnzer Brusters Lot thence Back from Said River to contain one hundred and teen acers." This was ten acres more than he had as original grantee. Some years afterwards Lieut. Calvin Parkhurst obtained posses- sion of this lot.
Mr. Steele says that Mr. Handy, when warned by Mr. Chafee, told his wife to take the children and seek one of the neighbors. They could have had little expectation that the savages would be upon them so quickly, for it is said that Mrs. Handy had gone but a short distance when she met Indians on the run, who took away her seven-year-old boy, Michael. When the Indian told her he would make a soldier of him, she spiritedly replied, "A good deal you will. The tomahawk is all you will give him. I will follow you to Canada before I will give up my boy." Accord- ing to a tradition of the descendants of Lucretia, the little daugh- ter who was some years younger than Michael, Mrs. Handy rec- ognized among the Indians one whom they had fed and kindly treated at one time, and it was he who carried her over the river, and who interceded in her behalf in the release of the children.
Mrs. Handy is said to have been about 27 years of age at this time, and from a description of her as she appeared in old age, there is no doubt that she was a young woman of attractive personality. Young Lieut. Houghton could not withstand the charm of the agonized mother, beautiful in the strength and cour- age of her mother-love, and his better nature was awakened by
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her unselfish and fearless pleading for her neighbors' children. This surrender to the higher dictates of his conscience, and the kind act of the Indian in aiding Mrs. Handy across the river, are almost the only touches that relieve the brutal savagery of the events of this day. One cannot easily picture the joy of each household, scattered here and there, as she restored to the sor- rowing parents their children, or they received word that their loved ones were safe through the heroism of this noble woman. There was one, Daniel Downer, motherless, and now fatherless, for his father was taken to Canada, for whom no parents' arms were outstretched in loving welcome. It is not strange that he pined, and never afterward knew the gladness of protected and tenderly nurtured childhood.
MRS. HANNAH HANDY'S SPOOL HOLDER.
It would seem that the memory of Mrs. Handy's deed would be kept green in the hearts of those benefited thereby, and that some suitable recognition of her merit would have been given ere this by them or their descendants. She sleeps today in an un- known grave. Tradition says that she did receive a brooch or medal in honor of her heroism, but patient and long inquiry fails to verify it, or find any trace of its existence. Tradition also says that she was buried in the old cemetery in the lower part of Sharon village, on the supposition that she died in Sharon.
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She married for her second husband Gideon Mosher, and lived in Sharon. Mr. Mosher died about 1818. Her daughter Lucre- tia had married David Barnhart of Hoosick Falls, who was a man of considerable property, and she went to live with this daughter some time after the death of Mr. Mosher, which oc- curred evidently at the home of his son-in-law, James Carpenter of Sharon.
Mr. Mosher had children by his first wife, but none by Mrs. Handy, so far as can be learned. The descendants of Lucretia are sure that "Granny Mosher," as she was affectionately called, died in Hoosick Falls. Whether she was buried there or brought to Sharon they do not know, and no records can be found that throw any light on the subject. Some lasting monument to her memory should be reared, and as her resting place is unknown and likely to remain so, no more fitting place for a monument can be found than in the vicinity of South Royalton, where her imperishable deed was performed. But one article is known to exist that belonged to her, and an outline of it is shown on page 165. It is a spool-holder and is the property of Miss Belle Gregory of Sandgate, a great-granddaughter of Mrs. Hannah (Hunter) Handy-Mosher. It may be asked why a change has been made from "Hendee" to Handy. The reason is that they wrote their name Handy, and their descendants continue to so write it, in distinction from another branch which has adopted the form, "Hendee." Further particulars regarding the Handy family will be found in the genealogical part of this book.
Considerable difference of opinion has existed regarding the place where Mrs. Handy forded the river. Though not very im- portant, it may be well to give some evidence as to the exact locality. If she lived at the Milo Dewey place she was near the Handy fordway, and came away from it down the river. The next fordway was the old fort fordway eighty rods below the mouth of the First Branch. The Indians were gathered on the Stevens meadow as has always been supposed, about half way between the two fordways. One can ford the river here, and that is the place which Dr. Daniel L. Burnett assigned in an article of his printed in the Inter-State Journal of October, 1903. His authority was Edward Rix, who stated that his father, who was brother of Joseph Rix, one of the children rescued, often told him that the place where Mrs. Handy crossed the river with the children was at the head of the island near the Nathan H. Hale house, straight across to the Stevens meadow, now owned by Herbert L. Pierce. Mrs. Coit Parkhurst understood that it was below Martin Skinner's, which would make it the Handy fordway. If Mr. Steele has given her course correctly, then she probably crossed with her daughter midway between the two
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fordways, but when she returned with the children, she would be likely to seek a safer and easier fordway, and the Handy fordway was not far from the Stevens meadow.
Two other families suffered from the raid, that of David Fish and the Widow Rude. It cannot be stated where either was living at this time. Rufus Fish, one of the boys captured, was a son of David Fish, and probably the other boy named Fish was his brother, perhaps Nathan or John. Joseph had a lot in 54 Town Plot, and the boys may have been there. Their father had 18 T. P. under the Vermont charter as a part of his holding, which would not be very far from Joseph's lot, on the line of the Indians' course to North Royalton. The will of Mr. Rufus Rude, who died in 1779, was burned by the Indians, but there is no clue to the residence of his widow, unless she was living with Lieut. Stevens, who married one of her daughters. Mr. Rude willed the bulk of his property to Lieut. Stevens.
Early in the afternoon the savages retraced their way to the rendezvous at Mr. Havens' house, which they did not burn until they had gathered their plunder together and were ready to retreat, which was about 2 p. m. After they had left, the Havens family got together again at night. Daniel had gone back to the vicinity of his home. It was a sad reunion-their three homes destroyed, one son a prisoner, the betrothed of the daugh- ter killed, the mother a confirmed invalid. As an illustration of the atrocious nature of the savages, it may be related that one of them ripped open a heifer that strayed into the yard from the woods, and left her dragging her entrails on the ground. A pig that crawled out of a haystack some days after, and the sheep on the hill that Mr. Havens was searching for, were all that the family had left to them for winter provisions.
A few hours after the departure of the enemy, the militia and minute men began to gather. Capt. Gilbert collected his company of 18, mostly Sharon men, as will be seen by reference to the list connected with "Revolutionary Affairs." First on the ground would be Capt. Joseph Parkhurst's Company, seven of whom had near and dear relatives in the hands of the cruel sav- ages, and more than half of whom had had their own homes de- stroyed. From Pomfret soon came Lieut. Bartholemew Durkee's Company of 36 men, three of whom had become footsore and were sent back. Pomfret did not hesitate to send on her militia, though her own inhabitants were terrified and left their homes for the woods, or for some secluded dwelling where numbers gathered for greater security. John Throop, the Captain of this company, was in Bennington, a member of the State Council. Thetford sent her militia, who on their way called on Dr. Asa Burton to pray for them, which he did. They reached Royalton
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at daylight the next day, and pursued the enemy. From Hart- land came Elias Weld's Company of 66 men, among the number Jeremiah Rust and Timothy Banister. From Woodstock came John Hawkins' Company of Minute men. From Barnard fort went Capt. Benjamin Cox's Company of 24 men. Capt. Joshua Hazen was sent with a full company by Col. Peter Olcott. Capt. John Marcy's Company from Windsor marched in the Alarm with 29 men. Major Elkanah Day of Westminster started out the 17th with a large company.
From New Hampshire town accounts the following was taken : Hanover, "To their pay Roll on alarms to Royalton, Newbury, &c. £131.19.5"; Cornish, "To Capt. Solomon Chase's Roll to Royalton in 1780, £60.15.9"; Rindge, "To account on alarm at Royalton, 1780, £38.18.9"; Fitzwilliam, "To a pay Roll to Royalton, 1780, £5.11.6"; Temple, "Gershom Drewry's Roll at Royalton Alarm, £8.18.6"; Canaan, "To Lieut. Jones' Roll at Royalton Alarm, £28.10.7"; Lempster, "To their account go- ing on alarm at Royalton, £8.10.2"; Alstead, "To Lieut. Waldo's Roll to Royalton, £27.14"; Chesterfield's account was £37.14.1, Marlow's, £34.1.5, Unity's £4.12, Ackworth's £23.2.4. In War- ner records it is stated that they sent 8 men to Royalton serving five days on town cost, £5.10. This is a good indication of the general alarm for miles below Royalton, and of the generous assistance furnished by near and distant towns.
Soon after leaving the Havens rendezvous the Indians steered their course from the First to the Second Branch, striking Ran- dolph at the southeast corner, where they camped for the night on the land of Simeon Belknap, one of the prisoners. This farm is now owned by George E. Brigham. In going up the Branch the site of the encampment may be found across a little stream at the left, at the foot of Sprague Hill. The farm came down to Mr. Brigham through Moses, brother of Simeon Belknap. His daughter, Mrs. Susan Miles, lived on that part of the farm, and from her Mr. Brigham had the site located. On their line of march the Indians had captured Experience Davis, the first set- tler in Randolph, William Evans, John Parks, Moses Pearsons, and Timothy Miles.
The militia which had gathered at Royalton chose Col. House as commander, and followed the Indians by the route the savages had taken, the First Branch, then crossed to the Second, coming unexpectedly upon their camp early in the morning, where a brisk skirmish followed. Mr. Steele himself says that the In- dians had orders to kill all the prisoners if sharply pressed by the Americans, yet he severely criticises Col. House for refrain- ing to do this. All the evidence goes to show that a victory for the militia would have been gained at the expense of the lives
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of the twenty-six or more prisoners, thirty-two, according to Lieut. Houghton's report. What would have been gained ? The Indians would mostly have escaped, as an ambuscade, through the vigilance of the enemy's sentinels, was impossible. They would have shown the Indians that their incursions could not be carried on without greater risk to themselves than formerly, but the politic negotiations with Gen. Haldimand put a stop to these depredations. Most of the plunder came back into the hands of the Americans. It was not pusillanimity, but humane considera- tions and wisdom that actuated Col. House. The message sent by Edward Kneeland, and the familiarity of Col. House and the other officers with Indian vindictiveness were enough to deter them from making an attack. The sight of the scalpless head of young Kneeland and the mutilated body of another victim, when they entered the deserted camp, ought to have silenced the charges of cowardice made at the time, and which have been kept up more or less ever since.
The force that left Barnard under Lieut. Green went first to Bethel fort, then struck out for the heights of land in Mid- dlesex, where they were joined by other militia from Middlesex, now Randolph. They failed to find the enemy. An account of their march has come down to us through Jonathan Carpenter. He was a Revolutionary soldier, who came to Pomfret from Rehoboth, Mass. He went on a tour of inspection from Guilford to Royalton, then chose Pomfret, went back and bought 100 acres of land. He kept a diary, which by some fortunate circumstance came into the hands of Robert A. Perkins, Editor, who gave it to the public. It was printed in 1898 in the Carpenter Gene- alogy, by Amos Bugbee Carpenter. From it is selected his ac- count of the events connected with the destruction of Royalton. Carpenter enlisted August 15th, 1780, in Capt. Benjamin Cox's Company of Rangers, stationed at Fort Defiance, Barnard.
"Oct. 16. This morning we were alarm'd by inteligence that the enemy were burning and Plundering at Royalton and it was supposed that ye woods were full of them I went out on a scout round ye north part of Barnard about 10 miles & in again but Discovered nothing. by this time some of ye inhabitants had come into the garrison, and a Party went to meet the enemy (or at Least to look for them)
at about twelve o'clock at Night I went out in a Party of 11 men with Lieut. Green, with 4 days provisions we marched (by night) to bethel fort from whence upwards of 100 men had just gone under Capt. Safford to Royalton-ye 17 from thence we marched to Col Woodwards at Middlesex about 15 miles from Barnard fort and 8 from Bethel fort. (it snowed almost all day) there we were joined by 19 more & sot of toward the hight of Land in hopes of coming across our main boddy, & coming to a house in Middlesex burning which we judged to have been fired by the enemy about 4 hours-we took their (trail) and fol- lowed into Brookfield & finding our men did not follow we encamped that night, but ye Middlesex men returned back, but ye next morning
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ye 18th, we followed on about 4 miles further onto ye heighth of Land & finding we should not be joined by more men & our Party but 14 which we thought to smal a number to ingage whom we judged to be 300 by ye path they made which was very easy to follow in ye night- we left ye chase & returned that day to coll. Woodward (back again) having march'd over as fine level a tract of Land as I have seen in this Country. we went thro Brookfield Dearfield & into Northfield (light timber'd with maple Beach Birch &c, at Coll Woodwards we heard that the Enemy had burnt and Destroy'd Royalton, & some houses in Sharon & Middlesex &c and have taken off upwards of 20 prisoners and killed 7. Notwithstanding they were fired upon by ye advance guard of upwards of 400 men, which indeed put them to great Confu- sion but they killed 2 prisoners & flew while the Cowardly Colo House was forming his men, hooting with a mock pretence of having a field fight with Indians in the Bush, which gave them time to get off (they were commanded by one Colo Peters a tory.
Oct. ye 19. we returned home in Peace, some moveing off over Connect. River, and our savage Enemy gone with flying Coulers into Canada which is a poor story for a Whig to tell.
ye 20th, We hear that the aforesaid enemy were attached for Cowas after Major Whitcom, &c., but find their mistake, took it into their heads to Plague us."
The Pay Roll of Capt. Jesse Safford's Company throws no light on their part in the pursuit of the enemy. Carpenter says he left Fort Defiance at midnight, marched to Fort Fortitude, and found that Capt. Safford with his men had just gone to Royalton. Robert Handy had early in the morning gone to Bethel fort to notify them of the attack. If "just" means what it usually does, the Bethel company did not start out until after Col. House had reached and attacked the Indians, for Steele says that House reached the Evans lot about midnight. The men from Fort Defiance under Lieut. Elias Keyes were more prompt, and joined the militia at Royalton which went up the First Branch. The division under Lieut. Green starting much later showed commendable courage in carrying their pursuit of the enemy farther than any other force. Information of the raid reached Dresden probably through the news carried by Phineas Parkhurst. The following circular was sent out from there: "Dresden, Oct. 16 (11 o'clock) 1780.
This may inform by the last express that there is a large party of the enemy have burnt Capt. Ebenezer Parkhurst's house and taken his family.
Assistance is desired.
I am yr humble servt . Ebenr Brewster."
Dresden and Hanover furnished about 50 militia under Capt. Samuel McClure and Capt. John House, afterwards Col- onel House. The companies that participated in the attack on the Indians appear to have come from Fort Defiance, Dresden, Hanover, Windsor, Hartford, Sharon, Pomfret, and perhaps Nor-
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wich. Capt. Joseph Parkhurst's Company apparently did duty at home in protecting and providing for the inhabitants, and several other companies marched to Royalton, and no doubt aided in furnishing temporary shelter and provisions. The following bill found in manuscript in the office of the Secretary of State shows what some of the provisions were for the militia :
"Taken from Joseph Parkhurst for the benefit of Militia &c in the Alarm at Royalton in Octr last
Six quarts & pint rum @ 9/ .£0.14.0
one hundred and thirty eight pounds flour neat wt @ 15/ pr 112 1b £0.18.5 Total £1.13.1
Certified by order of the Select Men this 6th day Feby 1781 pr Abel Curtis T Clerk."
Lebanon town records of Nov. 9, 1780, show a vote to pay their proportion of thirteen gallons of rum delivered to the sol- diers "when passing thro in the late alarm."
There were few settlers in Randolph in 1780. The town was not yet chartered. Experience Davis had been the pioneer, tak- ing his own choice of land and as much of it as he chose. His farm was on the line of march of the Indians, and, taken by sur- prise, he had to yield. He was kept a prisoner two years. Ran- dolph is indebted to him for a bequest of all his land for the benefit of the common schools, and the town placed a monument at his grave in East Bethel, commemorating this gift from an "honest man and friend of humanity."
Timothy Miles, another Randolph prisoner, went to the east part of the town on the 16th of October. Mrs. Miles was warned, and took some blankets and her two children, got them to sleep and secreted them under a bank. She then crept cautiously back to the house and peeped in, and saw a man that in the dark she took to be an Indian, so she returned to her hiding place. The next morning she discovered her husband in the doorway, whom she had mistaken for an Indian. He went again to the east part of the town, and that day the Indians caught him. She started on foot for her father's in Dresden. When she reached North Royalton she was perplexed at seeing no means of crossing the river, but soon a horse feeding near by caught her eye, and she quickly made a bridle of her garters and secured the horse, guid- ing him across the stream by the improvised bridle. At Sharon she was too ill to go farther, and word was sent to her father, who came for her. Soon after reaching her old home she gave birth to a son, which she named Timothy. He died at the age of seventeen, always having appeared strangely, and lacking in intelligence. She remained in delicate health until her husband was restored to her, when they returned to Randolph. Steele in his narrative makes no mention of the capture of Miles. The
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facts here given were furnished by Eugene E. Rolfe, and taken from Volume II of the Vermont Historical Magazine.
Julius Converse Green is now living on the Evans lot in Ran- dolph. He has some of the charred corn which was found several years ago when a cellar was dug on the place, and which is a memento of the burning of the old log hut. The story of the immersion of Mrs. William Evans in the stream has been denied, but Mr. Green vouches for its accuracy, as it has come down to him. The tradition is that Mrs. Evans was a little too careless of her personal appearance even for an Indian, and they took her down to the water and gave her a thorough bath. Edward Evans had gone to Royalton to mill in the morning, and hearing of the Indian attack, he had dropped his load and hurried back as fast as he could go, but reached home only to see the last logs of his house burning away.
Hiram A. Huse related that Mrs. Benedict staid that night beside Mrs. Miles. He asserted that it was she and not Mrs. Evans who was immersed. In the morning her husband discovered her in her sad plight, her skirts covered with frost. With open arms and tearful eyes he advanced and embraced the conglomerate mass which she had now become, exclaiming, "My dear, be thee alive ?" Mrs. Miles said she could scarcely keep from laughing, terrified and suffering as she was. He had ignominiously taken his dog and fled to the woods, leaving the fat, unwieldy wife to look out for herself.
Samuel Pember, one of the prisoners taken in Royalton, had been clearing land in Randolph for a home, and as usual had come to Royalton to have his washing, baking, and ironing done for the week, as did also his brother Thomas. This accounts for their being at Mr. Kneeland's on the morning of October 16th. J. Read Pember, Esq., of Woodstock, says that the Indians en- camped on the land that Pember had taken. Fearing an attack the Indians bound Pember to a tree, and others also, stationed an Indian with raised tomahawk as a sentinel over him, informed them all, if attacked they should be instantly killed. The next day Pember was given in charge of another Indian with the in- junction to "keep him well and keep him close, koz him got round straight leg, stiff whisker and squaw at home." Mr. Pember related after his return from captivity, that there was another prisoner whom the Indians used to send off away from camp for water, milk, etc., and gave him many chances to escape, but he always returned and came to camp whistling or singing, when the Indians would laugh among themselves, and tapping their foreheads, would say, "him some fool in here, him one fool."
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