History of Royalton, Vermont, with family genealogies, 1769-1911, Part 17

Author: Lovejoy, Mary Evelyn Wood, 1847-
Publication date: 1911
Publisher: Burlington, Vt., Free press printing company
Number of Pages: 1280

USA > Vermont > Windsor County > Royalton > History of Royalton, Vermont, with family genealogies, 1769-1911 > Part 17

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The raid on Barnard, August 9, 1780, had added new anxiety to the already agitated minds of the settlers in Royalton and vicinity, but the building of forts at Barnard and Bethel seemed to offer protection. The fort at Royalton, which now, since the settlement of Bethel, was no longer on the extreme frontier, had probably been removed to furnish material for Fort Fortitude. For some reason the inhabitants were looking for the approach of the enemy from that direction, though now it is generally understood that the old Indian trails led northward in that direc- tion, and their southern route was oftener by way of the First Branch of White river. So few remains of Indians have ever been found in the town, that it seems quite certain it was never occupied as a hunting ground by them, only as a camping place on their migrations to and from Canada. Tradition says one of their camping grounds was at the mouth of the First Branch.

There seem to have been two routes very generally used by the Indians in their migrations; one by the St. Lawrence and connecting streams to Lake Champlain, down the lake to the mouth of the Winooski, following that river as far as practicable, then striking a branch of White river, down this river to the Con- necticut, and so on to the Sound. Another route was to paddle from the lake up the Otter Creek, then by carry to Black river, thence to the Connecticut river.

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Today this region of Vermont in which is Royalton, with its denuded hills, open roads, telegraph and telephone facilities, and automobiles, would offer little chance to a horde of savages for an onslaught without warning. The thick forests of 1780, the sparse settlements, and slow communication, made the raid of Oct. 16, 1780, possible and terribly destructive.

The motive for this attack has been variously given. The murder of General Gordon was no doubt the prime one. No ex- cuse seems to have ever been offered for that dastardly deed, though a proper apology might, perhaps, have saved the colon- ists much suffering. "All is fair in love and war" was a dis- carded watchword with honorable rivals and foes even in those days. That the British bitterly resented this act cannot surprise any right-thinking person, but it does not excuse such deeds as the destruction of Royalton, and the employment as soldiers of those who were known to be ungovernable and savage. Yet if we stop to think what the verdict upon General Sherman's march to the sea would have been, had the Confederates won, there will be some hesitancy in a wholesale denunciation of the British in their methods of warfare.

As an illustration of the feeling of the British over the death of Gen. Gordon, the substance of a petition of John Powell and Nehemiah Lovewell to the General Assembly in 1796 is given. They asked reimbursement for debt incurred in December, 1777, when they had been sent to Canada as a Flag of Truce. On account of the affront the British commander had received by the death of General Gordon, they were not received as a flag, but imprisoned twelve months. To save themselves from perish- ing, they had drawn on Col. Bedel for fifty pounds, which was not protested, though he did not honor it. After his death these men were sued, and obliged to pay forty pounds. The Assembly did not grant their prayer, on the ground that the matter be- longed to the United States.

The route that the Indians took is probably given nearly correct in Steele's "Narrative." By application to the Archivist at Ottawa some further information has been obtained, which is now given to the public for the first time. In response to the first inquiry a memorandum was sent :

"In re Lieutenant Houghton, who destroyed Royalton, Vermont, in 1780.

Richard Houghton, (not Horton) was a lieutenant in the 53rd Regiment of Foot when the War of the Revolution broke out and he came over to America. He was removed from the Light Infantry and appointed a Deputy Superintendent of Indian Affairs at Caughnewaga. This post he kept until 1777, when having been severely wounded be- fore the lines of Ticonderoga, he was rendered, for a time, incapable to continue his service. In a petition dated November 1782, in which he asks for a promotion to Captaincy, he recalls his services. Amongst

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other things he says that he purchased an Ensigncy in 1768 and his Lieutenancy in 1771.

Herewith is an analysis of several documents concerning him and his expeditions to Vermont during the War, which are to be found in the Archives.

F. J. Audet.

Division of Manuscripts, January 14th., 1908."

From this it will be seen that the leader has been wrongly named, due doubtless to the similarity of sound in pronuncia- tion. The analysis sent with the memorandum included all there was found in the records of Ottawa relating to Lieut. Houghton. Some of them are not pertinent to our subject, but a few dealing with events prior to October 16, 1780, are given, to show that the "scout" sent to Royalton was not an isolated case, but work that the Lieutenant was expected to do.

"St. Regis, June 12, 1779.

Lieut. Richard Houghton

to Lieut. Col. Campbell.

Reports having landed at Pine Ridge nine miles from Fort Stan- wix and sent La Motte and thirty Indians as a scouting party with orders to get within firing distance of the Fort. Having received La Motte's report Lieut. Houghton joined him. They kill eight men and take seven prisoners from whom they get some valuable informa- tion."

"Montreal, March 30, 1780.

Lieut. Richard Houghton to Captain Mathews.

The Indian scouts sent out under Mr. Bluercy have returned. Mr. Bluercy surprised the port at Skinesburgh capturing prisoners and de- stroying houses and cattle."

"Montreal, April 3, 1780. Lieut. Richard Houghton

to Captain Mathews.

The scouts sent out from Oswegatchue in February under Captain Robertson have returned. They were joined by a party of Mohawks and the joint scouts struck the settlements below Fort Harkimer on the Mohawk River and took some prisoners. There is a scout out from Carleton Island consisting of fourteen soldiers and fifty Indians. Mr. Crawford of the Indian Department and Mr. Cleyies (?) of the 34th Regiment are with the scout and had orders to strike at Conisburg ( ?)."

An analysis of the scout at Royalton was sent also, and on a second application to the Archivist the full accounts which fol- low were promptly forwarded. The first is the letter of Lieut. Houghton to General Haldimand.

"Montreal 26 of October 1780.

Sir,

Colonel Campbell being very busy has desired me to inform of what was done by my scout .-

I was discovered several times on my march by some hunters and two small scouts of Whitcombs' from Cohos which obliged me to alter my course & struck upon White River about eighteen miles from where it emptys itself in Connecticut River the Name of the place Royal Town, I burned twenty eight dwelling Houses, thirty two Barns full

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of grain and one new barn not quite finished, one Saw and one Gris Mill, killed all the black Cattle, sheep, Piggs &c of which there was a great quantity, there was but very little hay. We burned close to a Stocaded Port wherein there was a Captain and 60 men but they could not turn out after us .-

I marched from the settlements that evening and decamped in the wood about two o'clock in the morning one of my out Posts was at- tacked and a little after our Camp-we were ready to receive them & had some brisk firing for a few minutes untill they retired a little they intended to surround us, I heard their officers giving them direc- tions upon which we retreated with almost all our packs, but most of our provisions we were forced to leave behind it being cooking at the time they attacked us .- I had but one Indian wounded What mischief we done them I cant say as they were too strong for us to look for scalps, but as they came on in great numbers & we had the advantage of the moon should suppose we killed a good many of them.

I beg you will lay this before his Excellency. I have the honor to be Your most obedt. Humb. Servant Richard Houghton Indn Residt

P. S.

I got 32 Prisoners & 4 scalps

the Country was alarmed by Whitcomb

the day before I got there-"

From this letter no other motive appears for the attack than the ones that led to sending out other scouts, but their pilot may have had special reasons for leading them to Royalton which Lieut. Houghton would not be called upon to mention in an offi- cial report. The purpose of all these scouts seems to have been to weaken their enemy by destroying supplies and taking pris- oners, and they killed those resisting whenever they could. Then, too, such incursions would tend to intimidate the weaker colon- ists, and make them willing to seek the protection guaranteed under English rule. But the men of Vermont were not of the weaker sort, though through the subtle negotiations of Allen and Warner, the authorities in Canada were led to believe that they would at a favorable time announce their allegiance to the British crown. This movement of Lieut. Houghton does not seem to have been ordered by any superior authority, indeed, it was felt to have been a mistake, as is shown by the following, for which we are also indebted to the Archivist at Ottawa, the Hon. Arthur G. Doughty.

"Quebec 9th November 1780

Sir

I am commanded by His Excellency General Haldimand to signify to you his desire that you will not send or permit any scouts to go out to the Eastward of the Hudson's River or to any Port which can be considered belonging to the State of Vermont until further orders Lieut Houghton acted for the best; but it was very unfortunate that he changed his Route, or appeared at all in that Quarter, as they have

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made proposals for an Exchange of Prisoners, which His Excellency has paid some attention to-

I am &c (signed) N Matthews-

Lieut Col Campbell"

There was also received from the Archivist the "Memorial" of Lieut. Houghton, in which he gives an account of his military service. This will, no doubt, be of interest to those who would like to know something more of the man who commanded the force attacking Royalton, and who capitulated to the eloquent entreaties of the heroic Mrs. Handy.

"To His Excellency Frederick Haldimand Esq. General and Com- mander in Chief of His Majesty's Forces in the Province of Quebec and Frontiers thereof &c. &c. &c.

The Memorial of Lieutenant Richard Houghton of the Fifty-third Regiment of Foot

Humbly Sheweth

That your memoralist purchased an Ensigncy in the said Regi- ment in August 1768, and a Lieutenancy in April 1771, and both Com- missions at very advanced prices-

That during the Campaign 1776 your memorialist was removed by order of His Excellency General Carleton from the Light Infantry to de duty with the Indians, and that by the particular desire of Lieu- tenant General Burgoyne and Brigadier Fraser, he continued in the same department during the campaign following of the year 1777.

That your memorialist in the course of that year received two severe wounds before the lines of Ticonderoga that rendered him in- capable of serving during the remainder of that campaign which cir- cumstance alone prevented his getting a captain lieutenancy and com- pany in the year 1778 .- Since that period your memorialist has had the mortification to see ten junior officers get ranks over him without purchase .-

Your memorialist declined very flattering offers of promotion in Europe, least they might recal him from a scene where he hopes for active employment, has thereby incurred the displeasure of some of his nearest relations and best friends .-

But he begs leave to assure your Excellency that he wishes to serve in his present Employ in the Indian department or in any other situation where you may think him usefull tho' he declares he did not at first accept of his Indian office, nor has he since retained it from consideration of any additional Pay he receives by it, and as he flat- ters himself that his Endeavors to give satisfaction have not met with the disapprobation of your Excellency, or his Superiors in the Depart- ment. He is encouraged to submit to your Excellency the mortifying situation in which he finds himself at present from the many Provin- cial officers he sees promoted over him particularly Captain Crawford of the King's Royal Regiment of New York who was but very lately an Ensign in the same Corps, and an inferior officer to him in the Indian Department.

Your memorialist humbly hopes that your Excellency will conceive his feelings better than he can express them and Prays that you will be pleased to grant him Rank of Captain to prevent your memorialist being on the above disagreeable situation.

Your memorialist begs leave to add that his mentioning Captain Crawford's name does not proceed from envy of that officers promotion

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(whose merit is acknowledged by all who are acquainted with him) but to illustrate his own case.

Which is humbly submitted"

Nothing further has been learned regarding Lieut. Hough- ton. Among the prisoners from Burgoyne's army who were quartered at East Windsor, Conn., was Lieut. Houghton, com- mander of Canada troops, attended by two servants. At Lafay- ette's suggestion they were employed in planting trees by the highways. It is possible this was the same man, as he was with Burgoyne at Ticonderoga, where he says he was wounded. As late as 1784 he was still Lieutenant, occupying the same position, so one can infer that he did not get his captaincy. Possibly it was due to his unwarranted attack on Royalton.

The further facts which will be given relating to the raid have been obtained from Mrs. Huldah Morgan, a grand-daughter of Lorenza (Havens) Lovejoy, from Mrs. Coit Parkhurst, a grand-daughter of Daniel Havens, from Eugene Rolfe, born in Tunbridge, who secured his information from Daniel Kelsey, who in 1783 lived on the lot north of Robert Havens, and from Ben- jamin Cushman, whose father, Capt. Solomon Cushman, com- manded the Norwich troops that pursued the Indians towards Brookfield, and from James Kenworthy. In addition use is made of the narratives of Simeon Belknap and of George Avery, both of whom were taken prisoners, and of reminiscences and anec- dotes that have been handed down from generation to genera- tion, and of such data as appears trustworthy, that were spoken or published on the occasions of the Centennial of the burning of Royalton and the Dedication of the monument.

The Indians had intended to make the attack on Sunday, when they supposed many would be absent from their homes at- tending divine service. No service was held that Sunday, and they remained quietly in their camping place over the brow of the hill west of the First Branch, nearly opposite and in the rear of the house of Robert Havens. One must remember that the road along the branch at first ran along the west side of the stream, from what is now South Tunbridge down to the saw and grist mills generally known as the Pierce mills, also that a bridle path extended from Peter Button's around the hill west of the Chester Dodge place and Arunah Woodward's to the branch road just below Elias Curtis' and north of the Ransom Reynolds bridge.

The Indians had singly done some reconnoitering during Sunday. Mrs. John Hutchinson had gone Sunday to get some hemlock for a broom. She passed over a cleared space and stood on a log to reach the branches. An Indian told her the next day that he was hiding there, and could have touched her dress.

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When asked what he would have done, if they had discovered him, "Killed you, of course," he answered. ' According to Mr. Rolfe, the Indians left their encampment in two detachments, one going directly down the slope to John Hutchinson's, and the other to the house of his brother Abijah, who lived beyond him in the direction of Tunbridge Market. A descendant of Heze- kiah Hutchinson says that John Hutchinson had charge of the powder for the town of Tunbridge. When he saw the Indians he took the powder and ran into the woods to hide it, and his house was burned while he was away, but he was taken prisoner. Mrs. Hutchinson, who was in bed, was not harmed. She had a babe about two months old, and after she had found a horse that had escaped destruction, she mounted with her babe and started for Connecticut.

This party of Indians next crossed the branch and went to the house of Robert Havens. He was located nearly opposite John Hutchinson. Mr. Hutchinson's house was on the other side of the road from where the house now is on the "Wells" place. It was near the foot of the sand terrace over which the highway leads to the "Rowell neighborhood."

Mr. Havens' family consisted of himself, wife, two sons, Joseph and Daniel, and a daughter, Lorenza. All three children were expecting soon to be married. Daniel had lot 42 and his father lot 37 Dutch Allotment. He had a house and barn on his lot at the place now known as the Ward place. Joseph was building at the mouth of the First Branch, on the site of the old Gilbert tavern. Lorenza was engaged to Thomas Pember of Randolph, and they were only waiting for his father to arrive, who was on his way from Connecticut, and then they were to solemnize their marriage. Thomas Pember and his brother Sam- uel were in the habit of coming to Royalton every week to have their washing and cooking done for them. They boarded with the Kneelands, who, according to the Havens tradition, were liv- ing in the house of Daniel Havens while they were building their own. Mrs. Havens had old fashioned consumption, and she had been more than unusually ill that Saturday night preceding the attack. A tradition outside of the family says that a merry party had gathered at the house of Mr. Havens that Saturday night. Some of them were to leave very soon for their Connecticut homes to spend the winter and bring their brides back with them in the spring.

The Kneeland house seems to have been located on 42 Dutch, on the east side of the road near the bridge at the Ward place. It is quite likely that Daniel Havens had sold them a part of his lot, and that when the family was so broken up and scattered

RELICS OF "YE OLDEN TIME."

Alarm Gun fired for the first time by Stephen Tilden, Hartford, Oct. 16, 1780.

THE GULLY ON HILL-SIDE, PEMBER'S PLACE OF DEATH.

MORGAN MILL, BUILT 1781.

John Hutchinson place, numbered 1. Site of Robert Havens' house, numbered 4. Lower right-hand corner, where Joseph Kneeland was taken prisoner. Button Cemetery. numbered 5.

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the land came back into his hands, and as the land records were destroyed, no evidence of this transfer is found.

The sons of Robert Havens had neglected to shut up the sheep that Saturday night as usual, and he was anxious about them, fearing the wolves would destroy them. He rose early in the morning of the 16th of October and went on to the hill east of the house in search of his property. He called to Daniel and told him to come out and assist him as soon as it was light enough to see. Daniel arose earlier than usual and went over to his house and called out Thomas Pember, telling him to hurry. Pember came out with his shoes on down at the heels. While they were talking they saw some one moving, and passing around the corner of the barn to see more distinctly, they came upon a body of Indians. Daniel ran in one direction down stream, and Pember in another, across the meadow and swamp towards the hills. Pember was a fleet runner, and would perhaps have es- caped, had not a spear pierced him. He ran a considerable dis- tance after being wounded, but finally fell, and was overtaken and cruelly dispatched and scalped. He had a double crown, and the Indians were very joyful over the double bounty which they would secure. Daniel Havens threw himself over the bank of the branch, and secreted himself under a log on the west side of the stream near the north end of the bridge as it now is.

These Indians then joined their company at the house of Mr. Havens. The two women were alone in the house. Lorenza heard a noise and, thinking her mother wanted something, she arose and went to her in her night robe. The Indians carried her mother outdoors, and put her husband's hat and shoes on her, and got a quilt and wrapped around her. Lorenza asked the officer for some clothing, and he got a quilt, red on one side and green on the other, and told her to put it on with the green side out, or the Indians would take it away from her. She saw an Indian have one of her shoes, and a second one the other shoe. She snatched one, but the Indian shook his tomahawk over her, and the officer said it was the buckle that the Indian wanted, so she took off the buckles and got her shoes. She saw the Indians shaking the double crowned scalp of her lover, but did not know it was his, supposing they had killed two persons.

Robert Havens heard the dog of John Hutchinson bark and thought it was wolves, but looking back he saw the Indians at his house. He secreted himself, not under a log, but in the hol- low of an uprooted tree. He was not a very old man at that time, only sixty-two, and lived twenty-five years after that trying time. As a frontier man for years, he knew the Indians would seek the men, and as he was unarmed, there was nothing to do but keep

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under cover, which he did until the Indians left, after their day of pillage.

The party of Indians that went to the house of Abijah Hutchinson found him in bed. In his memoir published by his grandson, K. M. Hutchinson, in 1843, he says that a sturdy In- dian seized him by the throat, and brandishing a tomahawk over him, ordered him to dress at once, then bound him with a strong cord. It is said that from the house of Abijah Hutchinson the house of Peter Button could be seen. Mr. Button had taken a load of grain on his shoulder and was going along the bridle path to carry it to the mill. He was seen by the Indians, who gave pursuit, and he turned down the ravine and was there overtaken, killed and scalped. The Indians had now killed two and taken two prisoners. They made the Havens place their rendezvous, and leaving a party there pushed on to the house where the Kneelands were. Some think they were living at the time in their own house and not in the house of Daniel Havens. At any rate it was here they found Samuel Pember, Simeon Belknap, Edward Kneeland, Sr., Joseph Kneeland, and Edward Kneeland, Jr. Simeon Belknap was on his way from Randolph, where he had settled, to his old home in Connecticut. These five were taken prisoners, with Giles Gibbs and Jonathan Brown. If there were two detachments, they probably came together where the bridle path joins the main road, and went on to the home of Elias Curtis, who lived near the Pierce mills, probably either where John Slack lived later, or above the furniture factory. It is not possible to say just where the house was located, although it is known what land he owned.

Mr. Curtis does not seem to have been warned, which makes it probable that he lived on the east side of the branch, for Dan- iel Havens went down on the west side of it, and would have been likely to call to him. Mr. Curtis had a blacksmith shop near his house, and it was to his shop that Mr. Chafee and John Kent were going to get their horses shod, and there that John Kent was taken prisoner as he dismounted. The Indians had been so quiet and swift in their movements, that their presence was not known, until Daniel Havens had reached the home of Elias Ste- vens. From the stray morsels of information picked up here and there, it would appear that Daniel stopped at Mr. Morgan's, the miller, who delayed long enough to throw a chest down the sand bank, then took his wife and child and escaped to the woods. Mr. Curtis was not so fortunate, having received no warning. He was a brother-in-law of John Hutchinson, having married Sarah Hutchinson. Mrs. Curtis was in bed, and it is not strange if she thought the Indian who brandished his tomahawk over her was intending to kill her. Considering their treatment of the

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women during the day, and the fact that they often swung toma- hawks to frighten or secure their end, it is more likely that he did this to make her give up her beads. The thread was cut or broken, and the beads rolled off, and she retained them, and they are religiously preserved by a great-grand-daughter living in Seattle. At the house of Mr. Curtis three prisoners were taken, himself, John Kent, and Peter Mason.

When Daniel Havens reached the house of Elias Stevens, he found Mrs. Stevens in bed. "You had better get up," he called out. "The Indians are thick as the devil at our house, and will be along here." As he hurried out of the back door to reach the river on his errand of warning, the red-skins entered the front door. The house of Mr. Stevens on the place now known as the Buck place was on the meadow on the other side of the road from its present location. Daniel found a log canoe and paddled across the river, and on reaching the other side and looking back, he saw Indians on the bank which he had just left. He went down the river on the west side. He went to the house of Dea. Daniel Rix, and the other houses on the road until he came to the mouth of Broad Brook, when he went up the brook to the house of William Lovejoy, who had married his oldest sister, and was living in Sharon. They all went into the woods. Daniel later went back in sight of his own house, and after the Indians had left, the family got together and went to the home of William Lovejoy. It is said that there were more women in the Lovejoy house that night than there were floor boards.

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History of Royalton, Vermont, with family genealogies, 1769-1911, Part 17

Author: Lovejoy, Mary Evelyn Wood, 1847- Publication date: 1911 Publisher: Burlington, Vt., Free press printing company Number of Pages: 1280

Author: Lovejoy, Mary Evelyn Wood, 1847-
Publication date: 1911
Publisher: Burlington, Vt., Free press printing company
Number of Pages: 1280